Showing posts with label ideology. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ideology. Show all posts

The Essential Zizek: The Complete Set (The Sublime Object of Ideology, The Ticklish Subject, The Fragile Absolute, The Plague of Fantasies: 4 books)

The essential texts for understanding Žižek’s thought.


Slavoj Žižek, the maverick philosopher, author of over 30 books, acclaimed as the ‘Elvis of cultural theory,’ and today’s most controversial public intellectual. His work traverses the fields of philosophy, psychoanalysis, theology, history and political theory, taking in film, popular culture, literature and jokes—all to provide acute analyses of the complexities of contemporary ideology as well as a serious and sophisticated philosophy.

His recent films The Pervert's Guide to the Cinema and Žižek! reveal a theorist at the peak of his powers and a skilled communicator. Now Verso are making these four classic titles, that stand as the core of his ever-expanding life’s work, available as new editions. Each is beautifully repackaged, including new introductions from Žižek himself. Simply put, they are the essential texts for understanding Žižek’s thought and thus cornerstones of contemporary philosophy.



The Fragile Absolute: Or, Why Is the Christian Legacy Worth Fighting For?

by Slavoj Žižek

Argues that the subversive core of the Christian legacy forms the foundation of a politics of universal emancipation.

One of the signal features of our era is the re-emergence of the 'sacred' in all its different guises, from New Age paganism to the emerging religious sensitivity within cultural and political theory.

The wager of Zizek's The Fragile Absolute – published here with a new preface by the author – is that Christianity and Marxism can fight together against the contemporary onslought of vapid spiritualism. The revolutionary core of the Christian legacy is too precious to be left to the fundamentalists.

The Plague of Fantasies

by Slavoj Žižek

The relations between fantasy and ideology, and the deluge of digital phantasms surrounding us.

Modern audiovisual media have spawned a 'plague of fantasies', electronically inspired phantasms that cloud the ability to reason and prevent a true understanding of a world increasingly dominated by abstractions—whether those of digital technology or the speculative market.

Into this arena, enters Žižek: equipped with an agile wit and the skills of a prodigious scholar, he confidently ranges among a dazzling array of cultural references—explicating Robert Schumann as deftly as he does John Carpenter—to demonstrate how the modern condition blinds us to the ideological basis of our lives.

The Sublime Object of Ideology

by Slavoj Žižek


Exploring the ideologies fantasies of wholeness and exclusion which make up human society.

The Sublime Object of Ideology: Slavoj Zizek's first book is a provocative and original work looking at the question of human agency in a postmodern world. In a thrilling tour de force that made his name, he explores the ideological fantasies of wholeness and exclusion which make up human society.


The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ontology

by Slavoj Žižek

A specter is haunting Western thought, the specter of the Cartesian subject.

The Ticklish Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ontology: A specter is haunting Western thought, the specter of the Cartesian subject. In this book Slavoj Zizek unearths a subversive core to this elusive specter, and finds within it the indispensable philosophical point of reference for any genuinely emancipatory project.




Slavoj Žižek

Slavoj-zizekSlavoj Žižek is a Slovenian philosopher and cultural critic. He is a professor at the European Graduate School, International Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities, Birkbeck College, University of London, and a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. His books include Living in the End Times, First as Tragedy, Then as Farce, In Defense of Lost Causes, four volumes of the Essential Žižek, and many more.



Karl Marx's Political Writings: The Revolutions of 1848, Surveys from Exile, The First International and After (Vol. 1-3)

A shrinkwrapped three-volume set of Marx’s political writings: The key essays and texts on politics and history—including The Communist Manifesto, The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon, The Class Struggles of France, The Civil War In France and Critique of the Gotha Programme.

Karl Marx was not only the great theorist of capitalism, he was also a superb journalist, politician and historian. In these brand-new editions of Marx’s Political Writings we are able to see the depth and range of his mature work from 1848 through to the end of his life, from The Communist Manifesto to The Class Struggles in France and The Critique of the Gotha Programme.

The Revolutions of 1848: Political Writings
by Karl Marx

Edited by David Fernbach
Foreword by Tariq Ali

Volume 1 of Marx’s political writings, including The Communist Manifesto.

Volume 1: The Revolutions of 1848: Marx and Engels had already sketched out the principles of scientific communism by 1846. Yet it was from his intense involvement in the abortive German revolution of 1848 that Marx developed a profound practical understanding he would draw on throughout his later career. This volume includes his great call to arms—The Communist Manifesto—and also demonstrates Marx’s unsuccessful attempt to spur the German bourgeoisie to decisive action against absolutism. His articles offer trenchant analyses of events in France, Poland, Prague, Berlin and Vienna, while speeches set out changing communist tactics.


Surveys from Exile: Political Writings
by Karl Marx

Edited by David Fernbach
Foreword by Tariq Ali

Volume 2 of Marx’s political writings, including The Eighteenth Brumaire.

Volume 2: Surveys from Exile: In the 1850s and early 1860s Marx played an active part in politics, and his prolific journalism from London offered a constant commentary on all the main developments of the day. During this time Marx began to interpret the British political scene and express his considered views on Germany, Poland and Russia, the Crimean War and American Civil War, imperialism in India and China, and a host of other key issues. The Class Struggles in France develops the theories outlined in The Communist Manifesto into a rich and revealing analysis of contemporary events, while The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte contains equally stimulating reflections on Napoleon III’s coup d’etat of 1851.


The First International and After: Political Writings
by Karl Marx

Edited by David Fernbach
Foreword by Tariq Ali

Volume 3 of Marx’s political writings, including The Civil War In France.

Volume 3: The First International and After: The crucial texts of Marx’s later years—notably The Civil War in France and Critique of the Gotha Programme—count among his most important work. These articles include a searching analysis of the tragic but inspiring failure of the Paris Commune, as well as essays on German unification, the Irish question, the Polish national movement and the possibility of revolution in Russia. The founding documents of the First international and polemical pieces attacking the disciples of Proudhon and Bakunin and the advocates of reformism, by contrast, reveal a tactical mastery that has influenced revolutionary movements ever since.


Karl Marx studied law and philosophy at the universities of Bonn and Berlin, completing his doctorate in 1841. Expelled from Prussia in 1844, he took up residence first in Paris and then in London where, in 1867, he published his magnum opus Capital. A co-founder of the International Workingmen’s Association in 1864, Marx died in London in 1883.




Tariq Ali is a writer and filmmaker. He has written more than a dozen books on world history and politics—including Pirates of the Caribbean, Bush in Babylon, The Clash of Fundamentalisms and The Obama Syndrome—as well as five novels in his Islam Quintet series and scripts for the stage and screen. He is an editor of the New Left Review and lives in London.







Slavoj Zizek: The Ideology of the Empire and its Traps

In the last decades, the political Left was ruthlessly pursuing the path of giving way, of accomodating itself, of making the "necessary compromises" with the declared enemy (in the same way the Church had to compromise on the essentials in order to redefine its role in modern secular society). It tried to reconcile the opposites, i.e., its own position with that of the declared opponent: it stands for socialism, but can fully rendorse economic Thatcherism; it stands for science, but can fully endorse the rule of the multitude of opinions; it stands for true popular democracy, but can also play the game of politics as spectacle and electoral spins; it stands for principled fidelity, but can be totally pragmatic; it stands for the freedom of the press, but can flatter and get the support of Murdoch... [1] In the early days of his rule, Tony Blair like to paraphrase the famous joke from Monty Python's The Life of Brian ("All right, but apart from the sanitation, the medicine, education, wine, public order, irrigation, roads, the fresh-water system and public health, what have the Romans ever done for us?") in order to ironically disarm his critics: "They betrayed socialism. True, they brought more social security, they did a lot for healthcare and education, et.etc., but, in spite of all that, they betrayed socialism." As it is clear today, it is rather the obverse which applies: "We remain socialists. True, we practice Thatcherism in economy, we made a deal with Murdoch, etc.etc, but, nonetheless, we remain socialists."

In the old days of the XXth century, great conservatives often did the tough job for the liberals: after the indecisive attitude of the Socialist government which ended up in the global crisis of the French Republic itself, it was de Gaulle who cut the Gordean knot by giving Algeria independence - up to Nixon who established diplomatic relations with China. Today, the opposite scenario is more of a rule: the new Third Way Left does the job for econimic liberal conservatives, dismantling the welfare state, bringing privatization to the end, etc.etc. However, the stance of condemning the postmodern Left for its accomodation is also false, since one should also ask the obvious hard question: which was effectively the alternative? If the Left were to choose the ÈprincipledÇ attitude of fidelity to its old program, it would simply marginalize itself. The task is a much harder one: to rethink thoroughly the Leftist project, beyond the alternative of "accomodation to new circumstances" and sticking to the old attitude.

And one of the great achievements of Hardt's and Negri's Empire is that they accepted the challenge to break out of this debilitating deadlock - do they succeed? Let us approach this question via a detour, an attempt to provide a Deleuzian theory of the social consequences of the digital revolution, Alexander Bard's and Jan Soderqvist's Netrocracy. [2] This book is a supreme example of what one is tempted to call the new cyber-Stalinism: while cruelly dismissing Marxism as outdated, as part of the old industrial society, it takes from the Stalinist Marxism a whole series of key features, from primitive economic determinism and linear historical evolutionism (the development of the forces of production - the shift of accent from industry to management of informations - necessitates new social relations, the replacement of the class antagonism of capitalists and proletariat with the new class antagonism of "netocrats" and "consumtariat") to the extremely rude notion of ideology (in the best naive Enlightened way, ideology - from traditional religion to the bourgeois humanism - is repeatedly dismissed as the instrument of the ruling classes and their paid intellectuals destined to keep in check the lower classes). Here, then, is the basic vision of "netocracy" as a new mode of production (the term is inadequate, because in it, production precisely loses its key role): while in feudalism, the key to social power was the ownership of land, legitimized by religious ideology, and in capitalism, the key to power is the ownership of the capital, with money as the measure of social status, private property as the fundamental legal category and market as the dominant field of social exchange, all this legitimized by the humanist ideology of Man as autonomous free agent, in the newly emerging "netocracy," the measure of power and social status is the access to key informations; money and material possessions are relegated to the secondary role. The dominated class is no longer the working class, but the class of consumerists, "consumtariat," those condemned to consume the informations prepared and manipulated by the netocratic elite. This shift in power generates an entirely new social logic and ideology: since informations circulate and change all the time, there is no longer a stable long-term hierarchy, but a permanently changing network of power relations; individuals are "nomadic," "dividuals," constantly reinventing themselves, adopting different roles; society itself is no longer a hierarchic Whole, but a complex open network of networks.

Netocracy moves here simultaneously too fast and not fast enough - as such, it shares the mistake of all those other attempts which all too fast elevated a new entity into the successor of capitalism, at the same level as capitalism: postindustrial society, informational society... Against such temptations, one should insist that "informational society" is simply NOT a concept at the same level as "feudalism" or "capitalism." The picture of the accomplished rule of the netocracy is therefore, in spite of the authors' stress on the new class antagonisms, a utopia: an inconsistent composite which cannot survive and reproduce itself on its own terms - all too many of the features of the new netocratic class are only sustainable within a capitalist regime. Therein resides the weakness of Netocracy: following the elementary logic of ideological mystification, it dismisses as "remainders of the (capitalist and statist) past" what are effectively positive conditions of the functioning of informational society.

The key problem is that of capitalism, the way "netocracy" relates to capitalism. On the one side, we have patents, copyright, etc. - all the different modalities in which information itself is offered and sold on the market as "intellectual property", as another commodity. (And when the authors claim that the true elite of netiocracy is beyond patents etc., because its privilege is no longer based on possessing the information, but on being able to discern, in the confusing quantity of informations, the relevant ones, they strangely miss the point: why should this ability to discern what really matters, the ability to discard the irrelevant balast, not be another - perhaps crucial - information to be sold? In other words, they seem to forget here the basic lesson of today's cognitive sciences: already at the most elementary level of consciousness, information IS the ability to "abstract", to discern the relevant aspects in the confusing multitude with which we are constantly bombarded.) On the other side, there is the prospect of the exchange of informations BEYOND the property relations which characterize capitalism. This inner antagonism is realized in the basic tension within the new netocratic class between pro-capitalists (Bill Gates types) and those advocating a post-capitalist utopia, and the authors are right in emphasizing that the future "class struggle" will be decided with regard to the possible coalition between the post-capitalist netocrats and the underprivileged "consumtariat": without this coalition and support from within netocracy, "consumtariat" alone can only articulate its protest in violent negative actions lacking any positive future-oriented program. The key point is thus that there is no "neutral" netocracy: there is either a pro-capitalist netocracy, part of the late capitalism, or the post-capitalist netocracy, part of a different mode of production. To complicate things further, this postcapitalist perspective is in itself ambiguous: it can mean a more open "democratic" system, or the emergence of a new hierarchy, a kind of informational/biogenetic neofeudalism.

This struggle is already taking place. In 2001, the Microsoft Corporation anounced that it is working on Palladium, a radically new version of Windows with a separate security chip which would give users protection and control of their information: "Nothing leaves your PC without your permission." Palladium ensures through encryption that no one eavesdropes on you, all ingoing mail is filtered, your outgoing messages can be opened only by those you authorize, you can track who opened them, etc. - it is a "plan to remake the personal computer to ensure security, privacy and intellectual property. [3] Is this not THE big attempt to inscribe the informational universe into the capitalist logic of private property? Opposite to this tendency are attempts to develop a new cyberspace language, an alternative to Windows, which would be not only freely accessible to all, but is also developed through free social interaction (preliminary versions are not kept hidden, awaiting the magic moment when the new product is revealed to the market; on the contrary, these versions already freely circulate in order to provoke a feedback from the users). The fact that AOL supports such an alternative in order to strike at its competitor is tell-tale: why should progressive forces not strategically use this support?

Netocracy presents the local groups of the new informational elite almost as islands of non-alienated utopian communities: a description of the life of the new "symbolic class" for which life style, access to exclusive informations and social circles, matters more than money - top academics, journalists, designers, programmers, etc., effectively live in that way. However, are the authors of Netocracy fully aware of the ultimate irony of their notion of "nomadic" subjects and thought as opposed to the traditional hierarchic thought? What they are effectively claiming is that the netocrats, today's elite, realizes the dream of yesterday's marginal philosophers and outcast artists (from Spinoza to Nietzsche and Deleuze) - in short, even more pointedly, that the thought of Foucault, Deleuze and Guattari, the ultimate philosophers of resistance, of the marginal positions crushed by the hegemonic power network, is effectively the ideology of the newly emerging ruling class. In 1996, in his admirable "The Pedagogy of Philosophy", Jean-Jacques Lecercle portrayed the scene of a yuppie in a Paris underground reading Deleuze and Guattari's What is Philosophy?:
The incongruity of the scene induces a smile - after all, this is a book explicitly written against yuppies /.../ Your smile turns into a grin as you imagine that this enlightenment-seeking yuppie bought the book because of its title /.../ Already you see the puzzled look on the yuppie's face, as he reads page after page of vintage Deleuze... [4] What, however, is there is no puzzled look, but enthusiasm, when the yuppie reads about impersonal imitation of affects, about the communication of affective intensities beneath the level of meaning ("Yes, this is how I design my publicities!"), or when he reads about exploding the limits of self-contained subjectivity and directly coupling man to a machine ("This reminds me of my son's favored toy, the action-man who can turn into a car!"), or about the need to reinvent oneself permanently, opening oneself up to a multitude of desires which push us to the limit ("Is this not the aim of the virtual sex video game I am working on now? It is no longer a question of reproducing sexual bodily contacts, but to explode the confines of established reality and imagine new unheard-of intensive mode of sexual pleasures!"). Is today's popular culture not effectively permeated by Deleuzian motifs, from the Spinozean logic of imitatio afecti (is this impersonal circulation of affects, by-passing persons, not the very logic of publicity, of video clips, etc., where what matters is not the message about the product, but the intensity of the transmitted affects and perceptions?) to new trends in childrens' toys (the so-called "Transformer" or "Animorph" toys, a car or a plane which can be transformed into a humanoid robot, an animal which can be morphed into a human or robot... is this not Deleuzian? There is no "metaphorics" here, the point is not that the mechanical or animal form is revealed as a mass containing a human shape, but, rather, the "becoming-machine" or "becoming-animal" of the human, the flow of continuous morphing. What is blurred is also the divide machine/living organism: a car transmutes into a humanoid/cyborg organism - therein resides the horror...)?
And are Hardt and Negri not caught in a similar ambiguous attitude towards the Americanized global capitalism, when they celebrate its "deterritorializing" multitude? They distinguish two ways to oppose the global capitalist Empire: either the "protectionist" advocacy of the return to the strong Nation-State, or the deployment of the even more flexible forms of multitude. Along these lines, in his analysis of the Porto Allegro anti-globalist meeting, Hardt emphasizes the new logic of the political space there: it was no longer the old "us versus them" binary logic with the Leninist call for a firm singular party line, but the coexistence of the multitude of political agencies and positions which, although incompatible as to their ideological and programmatic accents (from "conservative" farmers and ecologists worried about the fate of their local tradition and patrimony, to human rights groups and agents standing for the interests of immigrants, advocating global mobility). It is effectively today's opposition to global capital which seems to provide a kind of negative mirror-image to Deleuze's claim about the inherently antagonistic claim of the capitalist dynamics (a strong machine of deterritorialization which generates new modes of reterritorialization): today's resistance to capitalism reproduces the same antagonism: calls for the defense of particular (cultural, ethnic) identities being threatened by the global dynamics coexist with the demands for more global mobility (against the new barriers imposed by capitalism, which concern above all the free movement of individuals). Is it then true that these tendencies (these lignes de fuite, as Deleuze would have put it) can coexist in a non-antagonistic way, as parts of the same global network of resistance? One is tempted to answer this claim by applying to it Laclau's notion of the chain of equivalences: of course this logic of multitude functions - because we are still dealing with RESISTANCE. However, what about when - if this really is the desire and will of these movements - "we take it over"? What would the "multitude in power" look like? There was the same constellation in the last years of the decaying Really-Existing Socialism: the non-antagonistic coexistence, within the oppositional field, of a multitude of ideologico-political tendencies, from liberal human-rights groups to "liberal" business-oriented groups, conservative religious groups and leftist workers' demands. This multitude functioned well as long as it was united in the opposition to "them," the Party hegemony; once they found THEMSELVES in power, the game was over... (Furthermore, is today the state really withering away (with the advent of the much-praised liberal "deregulation")? Is, on the contrary, the "war on terror" not the strongest yet assertion of the state authority? Are we not witnessing now the unheard-of mobilization of all (repressive and ideological) state apparatuses?

Notes:

[1] Giorgio Agamben, Moyens sans fins, Paris: Payot Rivages 2002, p. 147-148.

[2] Alexander Bard and Jan Soderqvist, Netrocracy. The New Power Elite and Life After Capitalism, London: Reuters 2002.

[3] "The Big Secret" in Newsweek, July 8 2002, p. 50-52.

[4] Jean-Jacques Lecercle, "The Pedagogy of Philosophy," Radical Philosophy 75 (January-February 1996).

This essay was originally published in Empire's New Clothes. Reading Hardt and Negri, Ed. Paul Passavant and Jodi Dean, New York: Routledge, 2003.

The Ideology of the Empire and its Traps - lacan.com (September) 

Ideology Reloaded By Slavoj Zizek

There is something inherently naïve about taking the “philosophical” underpinning of The Matrix series seriously and discussing its implications. The Wachowski brothers, who wrote and directed the films, are not philosophers, but just two guys who flirt with and exploit, in an often confused way, some “postmodern” and New Age notions in the service of science fiction. But The Matrix is one of those films that function as a kind of Rorschach test, setting in motion the universalized process of recognition, like the proverbial painting of God that seems always to stare directly at you from wherever you look at it—practically every orientation seems to recognize itself in it.

My Lacanian friends are telling me that the authors must have read Lacan. The Frankfurt School partisans see in The Matrix the extrapolated embodiment of Kulturindustrie, directly taking over, colonizing our inner life itself, using us as the source of energy. New Agers see how our world is just a mirage generated by a global Mind embodied in the World Wide Web. Or the series is a baroque illustration of Plato’s cave, in which ordinary humans are prisoners, tied firmly to their seats and compelled to watch the shadowy performance of (what they falsely consider to be) reality—in short, the position of the cinema spectators themselves.

This search for the philosophical content of The Matrix is therefore a lure, a trap to be avoided. Such readings that project into the film refined philosophical or psychoanalytic conceptual distinctions are effectively much inferior to a naïve immersion that I witnessed when I saw The Matrix at a local theater in Slovenia. I had the unique opportunity to sit close to a man in his late twenties who was so engrossed in the film that he repeatedly disturbed other spectators with loud exclamations like: “My God, wow, so there is no reality! So we are all puppets!”

———————

However, what is interesting is to read The Matrix movies not as containing a consistent philosophical discourse, but as rendering, in their very inconsistencies, the antagonisms of our ideological and social predicament. What, then, is the Matrix? Simply what Lacan called the “big Other,” the virtual symbolic order, the network that structures reality for us. The big Other pulls the strings; the subject doesn’t speak, the subject “is spoken” by the symbolic structure. This big Other is the name for the social Substance, for all that on account of which the subject never fully dominates the effects of his acts; his activity is always something else than what he aimed at or anticipated. And the inconsistencies of the film’s narrative perfectly mirror the difficulties of our breaking out of the constraints of the social Substance.

When Morpheus tries to explain to the still perplexed Neo what the Matrix is, he links it to a failure in the structure of the universe: “What you know you can’t explain. But you feel it. You’ve felt it your entire life. That there is something wrong with the world. You don’t know what it is. But it’s there, like a splinter in your mind driving you mad.” Yet toward the end of the first film, Smith, the agent of the Matrix, gives a different, much more Freudian explanation: “Did you know that the first Matrix was designed to be a perfect human world? Where none suffered, where everyone would be happy? It was a disaster. No one would accept the program. … As a species, human beings define their reality through suffering and misery.”

The imperfection of our world is thus at the same time the sign of its virtuality and the sign of its reality. Linked to this inconsistency is the ambiguous status of the liberation of humanity announced by Neo in the last scene of the first film. As the result of Neo’s intervention, there is a “system failure” in the Matrix. At the same time, Neo addresses people still caught in it as the Savior who will teach them how to liberate themselves from the constraints of the Matrix; they will be able to break its physical laws, bend metals, fly in the air. But the problem is that all these “miracles” are possible only if we remain within the virtual reality sustained by the Matrix and merely bend or change its rules; our “real” status is still that of the slaves. We are, as it were, merely gaining additional power to change our mental prison rules. So what about exiting from the Matrix altogether and entering the “real reality” in which we are miserable creatures living on the destroyed earth’s surface? Is the solution a postmodern strategy of “resistance,” of endlessly “subverting” or “displacing” the power system, or a more radical attempt at annihilating it?

Recall another memorable scene in The Matrix, in which Neo has to choose between the red and the blue pill. His choice is that between Truth and Pleasure: either the traumatic awakening into reality, or persisting in the illusion regulated by the Matrix. Neo chooses Truth—in contrast to the most despicable character in the movie, the informer-agent among the rebels, who picks up with his fork a juicy red bit of a steak and says: “You know, I know this steak doesn’t exist. I know the Matrix is telling my brain that it is juicy and delicious. After nine years, you know what I realize? Ignorance is bliss.” He follows the pleasure principle, which tells him that it is preferable to stay within the illusion, even if one knows it’s only an illusion.

Yet this choice is not quite so simple. What, exactly, does Neo offer to humanity at the film’s end? Not a direct awakening into the “desert of the real,” but a free-floating between the multitude of virtual universes: Instead of being simply enslaved by the Matrix, one can liberate oneself by way of learning to change the rules of our universe and learn to fly freely or violate other physical laws. The choice is not between bitter truth and pleasurable illusion, but rather between the two modes of illusion. The traitor is bound to the illusion of our “reality,” dominated and manipulated by the Matrix, while Neo offers to humanity the experience of the universe as a playground in which we can play a multitude of games, freely passing from one to another, reshaping the rules that fix our experience of reality.

———————

In an Adornian way, these inconsistencies are the film’s moment of truth: They signal the antagonisms of our late-capitalist social experience, antagonisms concerning basic couplings like reality and pain (reality as that which disturbs the reign of the pleasure principle), and freedom and system (freedom is only possible within a system that hinders its full deployment). But the ultimate strength of the film is on a different level. The unique impact of the film resides not so much in its central thesis (what we experience as reality is an artificial virtual reality generated by the Matrix, the mega-computer directly attached to all our minds), but in its central image of the millions of human beings leading a claustrophobic life in water-filled cradles, kept alive in order to generate electricity. So when (some of) the people “awaken” from their imprisonment, this awakening is not the opening into the wide space of the external reality, but first the horrible realization of this enclosure, where each of us is effectively just a fetus-like organism, immersed in prenatal fluid.

This utter passivity is the fantasy that sustains our conscious experience as active, self-positing subjects—it is the ultimate perverse fantasy, the notion that we are ultimately instruments of the Matrix’s—the big Other’s—jouissance, sucked of our life-substance like batteries. This brings us to the true libidinal enigma: Why does the Matrix need human energy? The purely energetic solution is, of course, meaningless: The Matrix could have easily found another more reliable source of energy, which would have not demanded the extremely complex arrangement of virtual reality coordinated for millions of human units. The only consistent answer is that the Matrix feeds on human jouissance. And so we are back at the fundamental Lacanian thesis that the big Other itself, far from being an anonymous machine, needs the constant influx of jouissance of those who come to define it, even constitute it.

———————

The Matrix Reloaded proposes—or, rather, plays with—a series of ways to overcome the inconsistencies of its prequel. But in doing so, it gets entangled in new inconsistencies of its own. The film’s end is open and undecided not only narratively, but also with regard to its underlying vision of the universe. The basic tone is that of additional complications and suspicions that render problematic the simple and clear ideology of liberation from the Matrix that underpins the first film.

The communally ecstatic ritual of the people in the underground city of Zion cannot but recall a fundamentalist religious gathering. Doubts are also cast upon the two key prophetic figures. Are Morpheus’ visions true, or is he a paranoiac madman ruthlessly imposing his hallucinations? Neo doesn’t know if he can trust the Oracle, a woman who foresees the future: Is she also manipulating Neo with her prophecies? Is she a representative of the “good” aspect of the Matrix, in contrast to Agent Smith, who turns into an excess of the Matrix, a virus run amok, trying to avoid being deleted by multiplying itself? And what about the cryptic pronouncements of the Architect of the Matrix, its software writer, its God? He informs Neo that he is actually living in the sixth upgraded version of the Matrix: In each, a savior figure has arisen, but his attempt to liberate humanity ended in a large-scale catastrophe. Is Neo’s rebellion, far from being a unique event, just part of a larger cycle of the disturbance and restitution of the Order?

By the end of The Matrix Reloaded, everything is cast in doubt: The question is not only whether any revolutions against the Matrix can accomplish what they claim or whether they have to end in an orgy of destruction, but whether they are not taken into account, planned even, by the Matrix itself. Are even those who are liberated from the Matrix free to make a choice at all? Is the solution to nonetheless risk the outright rebellion, or to resign oneself to play the local games of “resistance” while remaining within the Matrix, or even engage in collaboration with the “good” forces in the Matrix? This is where The Matrix Reloaded ends: in a failure of “cognitive mapping” that perfectly mirrors the sad predicament of today’s left and its struggle against the System.

A supplementary twist is provided by the very end of the movie, when Neo magically stops the bad squidlike machines attacking the humans by merely raising his hand. How was he able to accomplish this in the “desert of the real,” not within the Matrix where, of course, he can do wonders? Does this unexplained inconsistency indicate that “all there is is generated by the Matrix,” that there is no ultimate reality? Although such a postmodern temptation—the easy way out of ontological confusion—is to be rejected, there is a correct insight in this complication of the simple and straight division between the “real reality” and the Matrix-generated universe. Even if the struggle takes place in the “real reality,” the key fight is to be won in the Matrix, which is why the human rebels re-enter its virtual universe.

To put it in terms of the good old Marxist couple infrastructure/superstructure: One should take into account the irreducible duality of, on the one hand, the “objective” material socio-economic processes taking place in reality as well as, on the other hand, the politico-ideological process proper. What if the domain of politics is inherently “sterile,” a theater of shadows, but nonetheless crucial in transforming reality? So, although economy is the real site and politics a theater of shadows, the main fight is to be fought in politics and ideology.

Consider, for example, the disintegration of Communist power in Eastern Europe in the last years of the ’80s. Although the main event was the actual loss of state power by the Communists, the crucial break occurred at a different level—in those magic moments when, although formally Communists were still in power, people all of a sudden lost their fear and no longer took the state’s threats seriously. So even if “real” battles with the police continued, everyone somehow knew that the “game” was over. The title The Matrix Reloaded is thus quite appropriate: If part one was dominated by the impetus to exit the Matrix, to liberate oneself from its hold, part two makes it clear that the battle has to be won within the Matrix, that one has to return to it.

The filmmakers have thus dramatically raised the stakes of the Matrix series, confronting us with all the complications and confusions of the politics of liberation. And they have put themselves in a profoundly difficult spot: They now confront an almost impossible task. If the forthcoming part three, The Matrix Revolutions, is to succeed with anything like a happy ending, it will have to produce nothing less than the appropriate answer to the dilemmas of revolutionary politics today, a blueprint for the political act the left is desperately looking for.

Ideology Reloaded - In These Times (Jun. 6)

The Plague of Fantasies (Wo Es War) by Slavoj Zizek





Zizek returns to untangle a heady mix of fantasy and ideology. With his idiosyncratic blend of ideas from Lacan and Hegel, the Slovenian philosopher Slavoj Zizek has emerged as one of the most original thinkers of our time. Never missing an opportunity to recount a revealing anec-dote or joke his writing is as entertaining as it is informative. In his latest book, Zizek approaches another enormous subject with characteristic brio. The current epoch is, he claims, plagued by phantasms. There is an intensifying antagonism between the ever greater abstraction of our lives -- whether in the form of digitalization or market relations and the deluge of pseudo-concrete images which surround us. Traditional critical thought traces the connections between abstract notions and concrete social reality: but today, Zizek suggests, the correct procedure is the inverse -- to work from pseudo-concrete imagery towards the abstract. Ranging in his examples from national differences in toilet design to cybersex, and from intellectuals' responses to the Bosnian war to Robert Schumann's music, Zizek explores the relations between fantasy and ideology, the way in which fantasy animates enjoy-ment while protecting against its excesses, the associations of the notion of fetishism with fantasized seduction, and the ways in which digitalization and cyberspace affect the status of subjectivity. To the already initiated, The Plague of Fantasies will be a welcome reminder of why they enjoy Zizek's writing so much. For new readers, it will be the beginning of a long and meaningful relationship.

The Giant of Ljubljana provides the best intellectual high since Anti-Oedipus. -- Voice Literary Supplement

Slavoj Zizek is Senior Researcher at the Institute for Social Studies, Ljubljana, Slovenia, and is currently Visiting Professor at the New School for Social Research, New York. His other books from Verso include Mapping Ideology, The Sublime Object of Ideology, For They Know Not What They Do, Metastases of Enjoyment: Six Essays on Women and Causality, The Indivisible Remainder. Essays on Schelling and Related Matters., and The Ticklist Subject: The Absent Centre of Political Ontology.

 

The Sublime Object of Ideology by Slavoj Zizek





Exploring the ideologies fantasies of wholeness and exclusion which make up human society.
Slavoj Zizek, the maverick philosopher, author of over 30 books, acclaimed as the “Elvis of cultural theory”, and today's most controversial public intellectual. His work traverses the fields of philosophy, psychoanalysis, theology, history and political theory, taking in film, popular culture, literature and jokes—all to provide acute analyses of the complexities of contemporary ideology as well as a serious and sophisticated philosophy. His recent films The Pervert's Guide to the Cinema and Zizek! reveal a theorist at the peak of his powers and a skilled communicator. Now Verso is making his classic titles, each of which stand as a core of his ever-expanding life's work, available as new editions. Each is beautifully re-packaged, including new introductions from Zizek himself. Simply put, they are the essential texts for understanding Zizek's thought and thus cornerstones of contemporary philosophy.

The Sublime Object of Ideology: Slavoj Zizek's first book is a provocative and original work looking at the question of human agency in a postmodern world. In a thrilling tour de force that made his name, he explores the ideological fantasies of wholeness and exclusion which make up human society.



Criticism and Ideology: A Study in Marxist Literary Theory by Terry Eagleton





The fiery literary and cultural critic returns with a new edition of his classic work.
Terry Eagleton is one of the most important—and most radical—theorists writing today. His witty and acerbic attacks on contemporary culture and society are read and enjoyed by many, and his studies of literature are regarded as classics of contemporary criticism.
In this new edition of his groundbreaking treatise on literary theory, Eagleton seeks to develop a sophisticated relationship between Marxism and literary criticism.
Ranging across the key works of Raymond Williams, Lenin, Trostsky, Brecht, Adorno, Benjamin, Lukacs and Sartre, he develops a nuanced critique of traditional literary criticism while producing a compelling theoretical account of ideology.
Eagleton uses this perspective to offer fascinating analyses of canonical writers, including George Eliot, Charles Dickens, Joseph Conrad, Henry James, T.S. Eliot, W.B. Yeats, James Joyce and D.H. Lawrence.
The new introduction sets this classic book in the context of its first appearance and Eagleton provides illuminating reflections on the progress of literary study over the years.

Eagleton is a combative, fiercely articulate and witty Marxist literary critic. -- The Nation

Eagleton is informative, witty and wise. -- Times Higher Education Supplement

Eagleton is second to none among cultural critics writing in the English language today. -- The Guardian

Genuinely illuminating. -- Time Out

The author's most remarkable volume. -- Choice

Terry Eagleton is Professor of Cultural Theory and John Rylands Fellow, University of Manchester. His other books include Ideology; The Function of Criticism; Heathcliff and the Great Hunger; Against the Grain; Walter Benjamin; and Criticism and Ideology, all from Verso.