Showing posts with label Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. Show all posts

Less Than Nothing



“I am writing a mega-book about Hegel. It is a true work of love. This is my true life’s work. Even Lacan is just a tool for me to read Hegel." —Slavoj Žižek




So that we can all be doing background reading before this Friday's overnight reading, we asked Slavoj Zizek which books influenced the writing of his Less Than Nothing. Here's the list (in no order):







In the Spirit of Hegel - Robert C. Solomon









L' envers de la dialectique: Hegel à la lumière de Nietzsche - Gerard Lebrun


Less Than Nothing: Hegel and the Shadow of Dialectical Materialism





Slavoj Žižek’s masterwork on the Hegelian legacy.

For the last two centuries, Western philosophy has developed in the shadow of Hegel, whose influence each new thinker tries in vain to escape: whether in the name of the pre-rational Will, the social process of production, or the contingency of individual existence. Hegel’s absolute idealism has become the bogeyman of philosophy, obscuring the fact that he is the dominant philosopher of the epochal historical transition to modernity; a period with which our own time shares startling similarities.

Today, as global capitalism comes apart at the seams, we are entering a new transition. In Less Than Nothing, the pinnacle publication of a distinguished career, Slavoj Žižek argues that it is imperative that we not simply return to Hegel but that we repeat and exceed his triumphs,overcoming his limitations by being even more Hegelian than the master himself. Such an approach not only enables Žižek to diagnose our present condition, but also to engage in a critical dialogue with the key strands of contemporary thought—Heidegger, Badiou, speculative realism, quantum physics and cognitive sciences. Modernity will begin and end with Hegel.

Review
Praise for Living in the End Times: "A compendium of long passages of fierce brilliance ... Zizek is consistently penetrating." Steven Poole, Guardian; "Never ceases to dazzle." Brian Dillon, Daily Telegraph; "The thinker of choice for Europe's young intellectual vanguard ... to witness Zizek in full flight is a wonderful and at times alarming experience, part philosophical tightropewalk, part performance-art marathon, part intellectual roller-coaster ride." Sean O'Hagan, Observer.

About the Author
Slavoj Žižek is a Slovenian philosopher and cultural critic. He is a Professor at the European Graduate School, International Director of the Birkbeck Institute for the Humanities, Birkbeck College, University of London, and a senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia. His books include Living in the End Times, First as Tragedy, Then as Farce, In Defense of Lost Causes, four volumes of the Essential Žižek, and many more.

Hegel and the Infinite: Religion, Politics, and Dialectic





Catherine Malabou, Antonio Negri, John D. Caputo, Bruno Bosteels, Mark C. Taylor, and Slavoj Zizek join seven others—including William Desmond, Katrin Pahl, Adrian Johnston, Edith Wyschogrod, and Thomas A. Lewis—to apply Hegel's thought to twenty-first-century philosophy, politics, and religion. Doing away with claims that the evolution of thought and history is at an end, these thinkers safeguard Hegel's innovations against irrelevance and, importantly, reset the distinction of secular and sacred.

These original contributions focus on Hegelian analysis and the transformative value of the philosopher's thought in relation to our current "turn to religion." Malabou develops Hegel's motif of confession in relation to forgiveness; Negri writes of Hegel's philosophy of right; Caputo reaffirms the radical theology made possible by Hegel; and Bosteels critiques fashionable readings of the philosopher and argues against the reducibility of his dialectic. Taylor reclaims Hegel's absolute as a process of infinite restlessness, and Zizek revisits the religious implications of Hegel's concept of letting go. Mirroring the philosopher's own trajectory, these essays progress dialectically through politics, theology, art, literature, philosophy, and science, traversing cutting-edge theoretical discourse and illuminating the ways in which Hegel inhabits them.

About the Author

Slavoj Zizek is a professor at the Institute for Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, and at the European Graduate School, Switzerland. His many books include Democracy in What State?, Living in the End Times, and Tarrying with the Negative: Kant, Hegel, and the Critique of Ideology.

Clayton Crockett is associate professor and director of religious studies at the University of Central Arkansas. He is the author of Radical Political Theology: Religion and Politics After Liberalism and Interstices of the Sublime: Theology and Psychoanalytic Theory.

Creston Davis is assistant professor of religion and philosophy at Rollins College. He is a coauthor (with John Milbank and Slavoj Zizek) of Paul's New Moment: Continental Philosophy and the Future of Christian Theology; a coeditor (with John Milbank and Slavoj Zizek) of Theology and the Political: The New Debate; and the editor of Slavoj Zizek and John Milbank's The Monstrosity of Christ: Paradox or Dialectic?

Less Than Nothing: Hegel and the Shadow of Dialectical Materialism



Slavoj Žižek’s masterwork on the Hegelian legacy.

For the last two centuries, Western philosophy has developed in the shadow of Hegel, whose influence each new thinker tries in vain to escape: whether in the name of the pre-rational Will, the social process of production, or the contingency of individual existence. Hegel’s absolute idealism has become the bogeyman of philosophy, obscuring the fact that he is the dominant philosopher of the epochal historical transition to modernity; a period with which our own time shares startling similarities.

Today, as global capitalism comes apart at the seams, we are entering a new transition. In Less Than Nothing, the pinnacle publication of a distinguished career, Slavoj Žižek argues that it is imperative that we not simply return to Hegel but that we repeat and exceed his triumphs,overcoming his limitations by being even more Hegelian than the master himself. Such an approach not only enables Žižek to diagnose our present condition, but also to engage in a critical dialogue with the key strands of contemporary thought—Heidegger, Badiou, speculative realism, quantum physics and cognitive sciences. Modernity will begin and end with Hegel.



Slavoj Zizek: Hegel - Chesterton: German Idealism and Christianity

According to a commonplace, Judaism (and Islam) is a "pure" monotheism, while Christianity, with its Trinity, is a compromise with polytheism; Hegel even designates Islam as THE "religion of sublimity" at its purest, as the universalization of the Jewish monotheism:

In Mohammedanism the limited principle of the Jews is expanded into universality and thereby overcome. Here, God is no longer, as with the Asiatics, contemplated as existent in immediately sensuous mode but is apprehended as the one infinite sublime Power beyond all the multiplicity of the world. Mohammedanism is, therefore, in the strictest sense of the world, the religion of sublimity.1

This, perhaps, explains why there is so much anti-Semitism in Islam: because of the extreme proximity of the two religions. According to Hegelese, in Judaism, Islam encounters ITSELF in its "oppositional determination," in the mode of particularity. Against this, one should argue that it is Judaism which is an "abstract negation" of polytheism and, as such, still haunted by it (Jehovah - plural; do not celebrate other gods IN FRONT OF ME; etc.), while Christianity is the only TRUE monotheism, since it includes self-differentiation into the One - its lesson is that, in order to have truly One, you need THREE. Here Hegel's logic of triads gets stuck into a deadlock: the triad that offers itself is that of Judaism - Christianity - Islam: first the immediate/abstract monotheism which, as the price to be paid for its immediate character, has to be embodied in a particular ethnic group (which is why Jews renounce all proselytism); then Christianity; then Islam, the only TRUE universal monotheism. What would be an alternative here?

Two features which cannot but appear opposed characterize the modern subject as it was conceptualized by German Idealism: (1) subject is the power of "spontaneous" (i.e., autonomous, starting-in-itself, irreducible to preceding causality) synthetic activity, the force of unification, of bringing together, linking, the manifold of sensual data we are bombarded with into a unified representations of objects; (2) subject is the power of negativity, of introducing a gap/cut into the given-immediate substantial unity, the power of differentiating, of "abstracting," of tearing apart and treating as self-standing what in reality is part of an organic unity. In order truly to understand German Idealism, it is crucial to think of these two features not only together (as the two aspects of one and the same activity - like claiming that the subject first tears apart natural unity and then brings these membra disjecta together into a new, his own ("subjective"), unity), but as stricto sensu identical: the very synthetic activity introduces a gap/difference into substantial reality, and/or the very differentiation consists in imposing a unity. How, exactly, are we to understand this? The subject's spontaneity emerges as a disturbing CUT into the substantial reality, since the unity that the transcendental synthesis imposes onto the natural manifold is precisely what this word means in everyday use, not in Kant: "synthetic," artificial, "unnatural." To evoke a common political experience: all great unifiers started with a divisive gesture - de Gaulle unified the Frenchmen by way of introducing an irreconciliable difference between those who wanted peace with Germany and those who did not recognize capitulation and wanted to go on fighting.

And the same goes for Christianity: we are not FIRST separated from God and THEN miraculously united with him; the point of Christianity is that the very separation unites us - it is in this separation that we are "like God," like Christ on the cross, i.e., the separation of us from God is transposed into God himself.

And the same goes for ethics: a radical act of Good HAS to appear first as "evil," as disturbing the substantial stability of traditional mores.

This is why we find in Christianity opposed features attributed to Christ: he brings peace, love, etc.; AND he brings sword, not peace, he wants to turn son against father, brother against brother... Again, this is ONE AND THE SAME gesture, not a logic of "first divide in order then to unite." And, again, it is crucial not to confuse this "identity of the opposite" with the standard pagan motif of a divinity who has two faces, a loving one and a destructive one - we are talking about one and the same face. But, yet again, this does not mean that "the difference is only in us, not in God, who dwells in his blessed Beyond" (as in the old simile of our reality as a painting: if we look at it from too close a point, we see only blurred stains, but from a proper distance, we see the global harmony) - or, rather, it IS like that, but not as external to God-in-Himself: this shift is inherent to God. The dialectic of appearance holds here also: appearing is not external to God, God also is only as deep as he appears, His depth has to appear as depth, and it is this appearing that introduces a gap/cut: God has to appear "as such" in the domain of appearance itself, tearing it apart - it is NOTHING BUT this appearing.

There are (not too numerous, but numerous enough to be considered systematic) passages in Hegel which explicitly belie the notion of the "end of history," demonstrating that he in no way thought that, at his historical moment, history came to an end. At the very end of his entire "system," in the conclusion of his Lectures on the History of Philosophy, he tersely states that this is, for the time being, the state of knowledge: Dies ist nun der Standpunkt der jetzigen Zeit, und die Reihe der geistigen Gestaltungen ist fuer jetzt damit geschlossen. 2 In the Introduction to The Philosophy of World History, he concludes that "America is therefore the country of the future, and its world-historical importance has yet to be revealed in the ages that lie ahead," 3 and he makes a similar statement on Russia: both are "immature" states, state which have not yet reached the full actualization of their historical form. Even in his much-maligned philosophy of nature, he concedes his own historically conditioned limitation: "We must be content with what we can, in fact, comprehend at present. There is plenty that cannot be comprehended yet." 4 In all these cases, it is that, "for a moment, /Hegel/ can take an external point of view with respect to the (universally comprehensive) story he is telling and announce that at some later stage a more articulate (universally comprehensive) story will be available." 5 How, from what position, can he do it? Where does this excess/remainder of historicist common sense come from, which relativizes the highest speculative insights? It is clear that there is no space for it WITHIN the Hegelian philosophical narrative.

Is then THIS the task of a proper "materialist reversal of Hegel": to introduce this self-relativization INTO the "system" itself? To recognize traces which, for us today, REMAIN unreadable traces; to recognize the irreducible parallax gap of multiple narrative (of those in power, of those oppressed...) which cannot be brought together, etc.? What if, however, this conclusion, seductive as it appears in its prima facie convincing character, proceeds all too fast? What if there is no external opposition between the "eternal" System of Knowing and its historicist (self-)relativization? What if this (self-)relativization does not come from outside, but is inscribed into the very heart of the System? The true "non-All" is thus not to be sought in a renunciation to systematicity that pertains to the project of "negative dialectics," in the assertion of finitude, dispersion, contingency, hybridity, multitude, etc., but in the absence of any external limitation that would allow us to construct and/or validate elements with regard to an external measure. Read in this way, the infamous "closure of the Hegelian system" is strictly correlative to (the obverse of) its thorough (self-)relativization: the "closure" of the System does NOT mean that there is nothing outside the System (the naïve notion of Hegel as the individual who claimed to achieve "absolute knowledge of everything"); it means that we are forever unable to "reflexivize" this Outside, to inscribe it within the Inside, even in the purely negative (and deceptively modest, self-depreciating) mode of the awareness that reality is an absolute Otherness which forever eludes conceptual grasp.

This is why all those who try to demonstrate some deeper affinity between Heidegger and Oriental thought, mostly Buddhism, miss the point: when Heidegger speaks about the "appropriating event /Ereignis/," he thereby introduces a dimension which, precisely, is missing in Buddhism, that of the fundamental historicity of Being. Although the (wrongly) so-called "Buddhist ontology" desubstantializes reality into a pure flow of singular events, what it cannot think is the "eventuality" of the Void of Being itself. To put it in yet another way, the goal of Buddhism is to enable a man to achieve Enlightenment through "traversing" the illusion of the Self and rejoining the Void - what is unthinkable within this space is Heidegger's notion of the human being as Da-Sein, as the "being-there" of the Being itself, as the site of the event-arrival of Being, so that it is Being itself that "needs" Dasein - with the disappearance of Dasein, there is also no Being, no place where Being can, precisely, take place. Can one imagine a Buddhist claiming that the Void /sunyata/ itself needs humans as the site of its arrival? One can, but in a conditional way which totally differs from Heidegger's: in the sense that, of all sentient beings, only humans are able to achieve Enlightenment and thus break the circle of suffering. Perhaps the clearest indication of the gap that separates Christianity from Buddhism is the difference in their respective triads. That is to say, in its history, each of them divided itself into three main strands; in the case of Christianity, it is, of course, the triad of Orthodoxy-Catholicism-Protestantism, which neatly fits the logic of Universal-Particular-Individual. In the case of Buddhism, on the contrary, we get a case of what, in Hegel, occurs as the "downward synthesis," in which the third term, whose function is to mediate between the opposition of the first two, does it in a disappointing-regressive way (say, in Hegel's Phenomenology, the whole dialectic of observing Reason culminates in the ridiculous figure of phrenology). The main split of Buddhism is the one between Hinayana ("the small wheel") and Mahayana ("the great wheel"). The first one is elitist and demanding, trying to maintain the fidelity to Buddha's teaching, focusing on the individual's effort to get rid of the illusion of the Self and attain the Enlightenment. The second one, which arose through the split from the first one, subtly shifts the accent onto compassion with others: its central figure is the Bodhisattva, the individual who, after achieving Enlightenment, decides, out of compassion, to return to the world of material illusions in order to help others to achieve Enlightenment, i.e., to work for the end of suffering of all sentient beings. The split is here irreducible: working for one's own Enlightenment reasserts the centrality of the Self in the very striving for its overcoming, while the "great wheel" way out of this predicament just repeats the deadlock in a displaced way: egotism is overcome, but the price is that universal Enlightenment itself turns into an object of the instrumental activity of the Self. So how to bring these two orientations together? The third big school, Vajrayana, which predominates in Tibet and Mongolia, is clearly regressive, a reinscription of Buddhism into traditional ritualistic and magic practices: the opposition between Self and others is overcome, but through its "reification" in ritualized practices which are indifferent to this distinction. It is an interesting fact of historical dialectic that Buddhism which, originally, dispensed with all institutional ritual and focused solely on the individual's enlightenment and end of suffering, irrespective of all dogmatic and institutional frames, ended up as clinging to the most mechanical and firmly entrenched institutional hierarchic frame...

But the point here is not to make fun of the "superstitious" features of the Tibetan Buddhism, but to become aware of how this total externalization DOES THE WORK, "delivers the goods": is the relying on a prayer-wheel or, more generally, on the efficiency of the ritual not also a way to achieve the "mindlessness," to empty one's mind and repose in piece?

G.K. Chesterton's The Man Who Was Thursday tells the story of Gabriel Syme, a young Englishmen who makes the archetypal Chestertonian discovery of how order is the greatest miracle and orthodoxy the greatest of all rebellions. The focal figure of the novel is not Syme himself, but a mysterious chief of a super-secret Scotland Yard department who is convinced that "a purely intellectual conspiracy would soon threaten the very existence of civilization":

He is certain that the scientific and artistic worlds are silently bound in a crusade against the Family and the State. He has, therefore, formed a special corps of policemen, policemen who are also philosophers. It is their business to watch the beginnings of this conspiracy, not merely in a criminal but in a controversial sense. /.../ The work of the philosophical policeman /.../ is at once bolder and more subtle than that of the ordinary detective. The ordinary detective goes to pot-houses to arrest thieves; we go to artistic tea-parties to detect pessimists. The ordinary detective discovers from a ledger or a diary that a crime has been committed. We discover from a book of sonnets that a crime will be committed. We have to trace the origin of those dreadful thoughts that drive men on at last to intellectual fanaticism and intellectual crime. 6

As cultural conservatives would have put it today, deconstructionist philosophers are much more dangerous than actual terrorists.

We say that the most dangerous criminal now is the entirely lawless modern philosopher. Compared to him, burglars and bigamists are essentially moral men; my heart goes out to them. They accept the essential ideal of man; they merely seek it wrongly. Thieves respect property. They merely wish the property to become their property that they may more perfectly respect it. But philosophers dislike property as property; they wish to destroy the very idea of personal possession. Bigamists respect marriage, or they would not go through the highly ceremonial and even ritualistic formality of bigamy. But philosophers despise marriage as marriage. Murderers respect human life; they merely wish to attain a greater fullness of human life in themselves by the sacrifice of what seems to them to be lesser lives. But philosophers hate life itself, their own as much as other people's. /.../ The common criminal is a bad man, but at least he is, as it were, a conditional good man. He says that if only a certain obstacle be removed - say a wealthy uncle - he is then prepared to accept the universe and to praise God. He is a reformer, but not an anarchist. He wishes to cleanse the edifice, but not to destroy it. But the evil philosopher is not trying to alter things, but to annihilate them. 7

This provocative analysis demonstrates the limitation of Chesterton, his not being Hegelian enough: what he doesn't get is that universal(ized) crime is no longer a crime - it sublates (negates/overcomes) itself as crime and turns from transgression into a new order. He is right to claim that, compared to the "entirely lawless" philosopher, burglars, bigamists, murderers even, are essentially moral: a thief is a "conditionally good man," he doesn't deny property AS SUCH, he just wants more of it for himself and is then quite ready to respect it. However, the conclusion to be drawn from this is that CRIME IS AS SUCH "ESSENTIALLY MORAL," that it wants just a particular illegal reordering of the global moral order which should remain. And, in a truly Hegelian spirit, one should bring this proposition (of the "essential morality" of the crime) to its immanent reversal: not only is crime "essentially moral" (in Hegelese: an inherent moment of the deployment of the inner antagonisms and "contradictions" of the very notion of moral order, not something that disturbs moral order from outside, as an accidental intrusion); but morality itself is essentially criminal - again, not only in the sense that the universal moral order necessary "negates itself" in particular crimes, but, more radically, in the sense that the way morality (in the case of theft, property) asserts itself is already in itself a crime - "property IS theft," as they used to say in the 19th century. That is to say, one should pass from theft as a particular criminal violation of the universal form of property to this form itself as a criminal violation: what Chesterton fails to perceive is that the "universalized crime" that he projects into "lawless modern philosophy" and its political equivalent, the "anarchist" movement that aims at destroying the totality of civilized life, ALREADY EXISTS IN THE GUISE OF THE EXISTING RULE OF LAW, so that the antagonism between Law and crime reveals itself to be inherent to crime, the antagonism between universal and particular crime. - And our thesis is that this limitation is not constrained to social problematic, but that it affects also Chesterton's global theological vision, in two forms: on the one hand, it prevents him from grasping all the consequences of the Christian act of love which "sublates" the entire domain of Law and its criminal transgression; on the other hand, he is more consequent in his theological ratiocinations than in his social vision: in his theology, he DOES explicitly posit the identity between Law and universalized/absolute crime - therein resides the very final twist of Thursday, in which "Sunday," the arch-criminal, anarchist's all-powerful leader, is revealed as the person as the mysterious chief of the super-secret police unit who mobilizes Syme into the fight against anarchists (i.e., HIMSELF). So let us proceed with our brief description of the novel and look at how, in a scene worthy of the Mission Impossible, Syme is recruited by this mysterious chief reduced to a voice in darkness, to become one of these "philosophical policemen":

Almost before he knew what he was doing, he had been passed through the hands of about four intermediate officials, and was suddenly shown into a room, the abrupt blackness of which startled him like a blaze of light. It was not the ordinary darkness, in which forms can be faintly traced; it was like going suddenly stone-blind.
'Are you the new recruit?' asked a heavy voice.
And in some strange way, though there was not the shadow of a shape in the gloom, Syme knew two things: first, that it came from a man of massive stature; and second, that the man had his back to him.
'Are you the new recruit?' said the invisible chief, who seemed to have heard all about it. 'All right. You are engaged.'
Syme, quite swept off his feet, made a feeble fight against this irrevocable phrase.
'I really have no experience,' he began.
'No one has any experience,' said the other, 'of the Battle of Armageddon.' 'But I am really unfit'
'You are willing, that is enough,' said the unknown.
'Well, really,' said Syme, 'I don't know any profession of which mere willingness is the final test.'
'I do,' said the other - 'martyrs. I am condemning you to death. Good day.' 8

Syme's first duty is to penetrate the seven members' "Central Anarchist Council," the ruling body of a secret super-powerful organization bent to destroy our civilization. In order to preserve their secrecy, members are known to each other only by a name of the week; through some deft manipulation, Syme gets elected as "Thursday." At his first Council's reunion, he meets "Sunday," the larger-than-life president of the Central Anarchist Council, a big man of incredible authority, mocking irony and jovial ruthlessness. In the ensuing series of adventures, Syme discovers that all other five regular members of the council are also secret agents, members of the same secret unit as himself, hired by the same unseen chief whose voice they've heard; so they join their forces and, finally, at a lavish masked ball, confront Sunday. Here, the novel passes from mystery to metaphysical comedy: we discover two surprising things. First, that Sunday, president of the Anarchist Council, is the same person as the mysterious never seen chief who hired Syme (and other elite detectives) to fight the anarchists; second, that he is none other than God Himself. These discoveries, of course, trigger a series of perplexed reflections in Syme and other agents. Syme's first reflection concerns the strange duality he noticed when he first met Sunday: seen from the back, he appears brute and evil, while, seen from the front, face to face, he appears beautiful and good. So how are we to read this twosome nature of God, this unfathomable unity of Good and Evil in Him? Can one explain the bad side as just conditioned by our partial, limited, view, or - a horrible theological vision - is the back really His face, "an awful, eyeless face staring at me," whose deceptive mask is the good jovial face?

When I first saw Sunday /.../ I only saw his back; and when I saw his back, I knew he was the worst man in the world. His neck and shoulders were brutal, like those of some apish god. His head had a stoop that was hardly human, like the stoop of an ox. In fact, I had at once the revolting fancy that this was not a man at all, but a beast dressed up in men's clothes. /.../ And then the queer thing happened. I had seen his back from the street, as he sat in the balcony. Then I entered the hotel, and coming round the other side of him, saw his face in the sunlight. His face frightened me, as it did everyone; but not because it was brutal, not because it was evil. On the contrary, it frightened me because it was so beautiful, because it was so good. /.../ When I see the horrible back, I am sure the noble face is but a mask. When I see the face but for an instant, I know the back is only a jest. Bad is so bad, that we cannot but think good an accident; good is so good, that we feel certain that evil could be explained. / I was suddenly possessed with the idea that the blind, blank back of his head really was his face -- an awful, eyeless face staring at me! And I fancied that the figure running in front of me was really a figure running backwards, and dancing as he ran. 9

If, however, the first, more comforting, version is true, then "we have only known the back of the world": "We see everything from behind, and it looks brutal. That is not a tree, but the back of a tree. That is not a cloud, but the back of a cloud. Cannot you see that everything is stooping and hiding a face? If we could only get round in front" 10

However, things get even more complicated: God's essential goodness itself is held against him. When, asked who he really is, Sunday answers that he is the God of Sabbath, of peace, one of the enraged detectives reproaches him that "it is exactly that that I cannot forgive you. I know you are contentment, optimism, what do they call the thing, an ultimate reconciliation. Well, I am not reconciled. If you were the man in the dark room, why were you also Sunday, an offense to the sunlight? If you were from the first our father and our friend, why were you also our greatest enemy? We wept, we fled in terror; the iron entered into our souls -- and you are the peace of God! Oh, I can forgive God His anger, though it destroyed nations; but I cannot forgive Him His peace." 11

As another detective notices in a terse English style remark: "It seems so silly that you should have been on both sides and fought yourself." 12 If there ever was British Hegelianism, this is it - a literal transposition of Hegel's key thesis that, in fighting the alienated substance, the subject fights his own essence. The novel's hero, Syme, finally springs to his feet and, with mad excitement, spells out the mystery:

I see everything, everything that there is. Why does each thing on the earth war against each other thing? Why does each small thing in the world have to fight against the world itself? Why does a fly have to fight the whole universe? Why does a dandelion have to fight the whole universe? For the same reason that I had to be alone in the dreadful Council of the Days. So that each thing that obeys law may have the glory and isolation of the anarchist. So that each man fighting for order may be as brave and good a man as the dynamiter. So that the real lie of Satan may be flung back in the face of this blasphemer, so that by tears and torture we may earn the right to say to this man, 'You lie!' No agonies can be too great to buy the right to say to this accuser, 'We also have suffered.' 13

This, then, is the formula provided: "So that each thing that obeys law may have the glory and isolation of the anarchist." So that Law is the greatest transgression, the defender of the Law the greatest rebel. However, where is the limit of this dialectic? DOES IT HOLD ALSO FOR GOD HIMSELF? Is He, the embodiment of cosmic order and harmony, ALSO the ultimate rebel, or is He a benign authority observing from a peaceful Above with bemused wisdom the follies of mortal men struggling each other? Here is the reply of God when Syme turns to him and asks him: "Have you ever suffered?"

As /Syme/ gazed, the great face grew to an awful size, grew larger than the colossal mask of Memnon, which had made him scream as a child. It grew larger and larger, filling the whole sky; then everything went black. Only in the blackness before it entirely destroyed his brain he seemed to hear a distant voice saying a commonplace text that he had heard somewhere, 'Can ye drink of the cup that I drink of?' 14

This final revelation - that God Himself suffers even more than us, mortals, brings us to the fundamental insight of Orthodoxy, Chesterton's theological masterpiece (which belongs to the same period: he published it a year later than Thursday), not only the insight into how orthodoxy is the greatest transgression, the most rebellious and adventurous thing, but a much darker insight into the central mystery of Christianity:

When the world shook and the sun was wiped out of heaven, it was not at the crucifixion, but at the cry from the cross: the cry which confessed that God was forsaken of God. And now let the revolutionists choose a creed from all the creeds and a god from all the gods of the world, carefully weighing all the gods of inevitable recurrence and of unalterable power. They will not find another god who has himself been in revolt. Nay (the matter grows too difficult for human speech), but let the atheists themselves choose a god. They will find only one divinity who ever uttered their isolation; only one religion in which God seemed for an instant to be an atheist. 15

This is why Christianty is »terribly revolutionary. That a good man may have his back to the wall is no more than we knew already; but that God could have His back to the wall is a boast for all insurgents for ever. Christianity is the only religion on earth that has felt that omnipotence made God incomplete. Christianity alone has felt that God, to be wholly God, must have been a rebel as well as a king.« 16 Chesterton is fully aware that we are thereby approaching "a matter more dark and awful than it is easy to discuss /.../ a matter which the greatest saints and thinkers have justly feared to approach. But in that terrific tale of the Passion there is a distinct emotional suggestion that the author of all things (in some unthinkable way) went not only through agony, but through doubt." 17 In the standard form of atheism, God dies for men who stop believing in Him; in Christianity, God dies for himself. In his "Father, why have you abandoned me?", Christ himself commits what is for a Christian the ultimate sin: he wavers in his Faith. This » matter more dark and awful than it is easy to discuss« is narratively presented as the identity of the mysterious Scotland Yard chief and the President of the anarchists in Thursday.

The attentive reader has already guessed that we do not have merely a duality, but a trinity of the features/faces of God: the whole point of the novel's final pages is that, to the opposition between the benevolent God of peace and cosmic harmony and the evil God of murderous rage, one should add a third figure, that of the suffering God. This is why Chesterton was right in dismissing Thursday as a basically pre-Christian book: the insight into the speculative identity of Good and Evil, the notion of God's two sides, peaceful harmony and destructive rage, i.e., the claim that, in fighting Evil, the good God is fighting himself (an internal struggle), is still the (highest) pagan insight. It is only the third feature, the suffering God, whose sudden emergence resolves this tension of God's two faces, that brings us to Christianity proper: what paganism cannot imagine is such a suffering God - what does one do when one suffers? One prays. No wonder that, in his "The Meaning of the Crusade," Chesterton quotes with approval the description he got from a child in Jerusalem on the Mount of Olive: "A child from one of the villages said to me, in broken English, that it was the place where God said his prayers. I for one could not ask for a finer or more defiant statement of all that separates the Christian from the Moslem or the Jew." If, in other religions, we pray to God, only in Christianity God himself prays.

This suffering, of course, brings us to the Book of Job, praised by Chesterton, in his wonderful small "Introduction to Book of Job," as "the most interesting of ancient books. We may almost say of the book of Job that it is the most interesting of modern books." What accounts for its "modernity" is the way in which The Book of Job strikes a dissonant cord in the Old Testament:

Everywhere else, then, the Old Testament positively rejoices in the obliteration of man in comparison with the divine purpose. The book of Job stands definitely alone because the book of Job definitely asks, 'But what is the purpose of God? Is it worth the sacrifice even of our miserable humanity? Of course, it is easy enough to wipe out our own paltry wills for the sake of a will that is grander and kinder. But is it grander and kinder? Let God use His tools; let God break His tools. But what is He doing, and what are they being broken for?' It is because of this question that we have to attack as a philosophical riddle the riddle of the book of Job.

However, the true surprise is that, at the end, the book of Job does not provide a satisfying answer to this riddle: "it does not end in a way that is conventionally satisfactory. Job is not told that his misfortunes were due to his sins or a part of any plan for his improvement."

"God comes in at the end, not to answer riddles, but to propound them." And the "great surprise" is that the book of Job "makes Job suddenly satisfied with the mere presentation of something impenetrable. Verbally speaking the enigmas of Jehovah seem darker and more desolate than the enigmas of Job; yet Job was comfortless before the speech of Jehovah and is comforted after it. He has been told nothing, but he feels the terrible and tingling atmosphere of something which is too good to be told. The refusal of God to explain His design is itself a burning hint of His design. The riddles of God are more satisfying than the solutions of man."

This is why God has to rebuke his own defenders, the "mechanical and supercilious comforters of Job":

The mechanical optimist endeavors to justify the universe avowedly upon the ground that it is a rational and consecutive pattern. He points out that the fine thing about the world is that it can all be explained. That is the one point, if I may put it so, on which God, in return, is explicit to the point of violence. God says, in effect, that if there is one fine thing about the world, as far as men are concerned, it is that it cannot be explained. He insists on the inexplicableness of everything. 'Hath the rain a father? /.../ Out of whose womb came the ice?' (38:28f). He goes farther, and insists on the positive and palpable unreason of things; 'Hast thou sent the rain upon the desert where no man is, and upon the wilderness wherein there is no man?' (38:26). God will make man see things, if it is only against the black background of nonentity. God will make Job see a startling universe if He can only do it by making Job see an idiotic universe. To startle man, God becomes for an instant a blasphemer; one might almost say that God becomes for an instant an atheist. He unrolls before Job a long panorama of created things, the horse, the eagle, the raven, the wild ass, the peacock, the ostrich, the crocodile. He so describes each of them that it sounds like a monster walking in the sun. The whole is a sort of psalm or rhapsody of the sense of wonder. The maker of all things is astonished at the things he has Himself made.

God performs here what Lacan calls a point de caption: he resolves the riddle by way of supplanting it by an even more radical riddle, by way of redoubling the riddle, by way of transposing the riddle from Job's mind into "the thing itself" - he himself comes to share Job's astonishment at the chaotic madness of the created universe.

Job puts forward a note of interrogation; God answers with a note of exclamation. Instead of proving to Job that it is an explicable world, He insists that it is a much stranger world than Job ever thought it was.

To answer the subject's interrogation with a note of exclamation: is this not the best succinct definition of what the analyst should do in a treatment? So, instead of providing answers from his total knowledge, God does a proper analytic intervention, adding a mere formal accent, a mark of articulation.

There is a stupid question here which should be raised: why does God not consider telling Job the truth - that it was all staged to test Job's faith, and that Job won and the Devil is defeated?

This is why, for Chesterton, the book of Job "saved /the Jews/ from an enormous collapse and decay":

Here in this book the question is really asked whether God invariably punishes vice with terrestrial punishment and rewards virtue with terrestrial prosperity. If the Jews had answered that question wrongly they might have lost all their later influence in human history. They might have sunk even down to the level of modern well-educated society. For when once people have begun to believe that prosperity is the reward of virtue, their next calamity is obvious. If prosperity is regarded as the reward of virtue it will be regarded as the symptom of virtue. Men will leave off the heavy task of making good men successful. The will adopt the easier task of making successful men good.

Towards Thursday's end, just prior to the six detectives' final confrontation with Sunday, they all participate in a ghostly masked ball wearing costumes which do not conceal but display their true inner nature - it is no longer "If you want to show your true self, tear off the mask!", but, on the contrary, "If you want to show your true self, put on the /right/ mask!"

Although, for Chesterton, Hegel was the worst of modern nihilistic "German philosophers," the proximity of his theological paradoxes to the Hegelian dialectic cannot but strike the eye. Let us approach this proximity from the other (Hegel's) side, by way of confronting the core question of the Hegelian Christology: why the idea of Reconciliation between God and man (the fundamental content of Christianity) has to appear in a single individual, in the guise of an external, contingent, flesh-and-blood person (Christ, the man-god)? Hegel provides the most concise answer in his lectures on the philosophy of religion:

Cannot the subject bring about this reconciliation by itself, through its own efforts, its own activity - so that through its piety and devotion it makes its inner /life/ conform with the divine idea, and express this conformity through its deeds? And further, is this not within the capability /not merely/ of a single subject but of all people who genuinely wish to take up the divine law within themselves, so that heaven would exist on earth and the Spirit would be present in reality and dwell in its community? 18

Note the precision of Hegel here: his question is double. First, the individual's divinization, spiritual perfection; then, the collective actualization of the divine community as "heaven on earth," in the guise of a community which lives totally in accordance with the divine law. In other words, the hypothesis that Hegel entertains here is the standard "Marxist" one: why cannot we conceive a direct passage from In-itself to For-itself, from God as full Substance existing in itself, beyond human history, to the Holy Spirit as spiritual-virtual substance, as the substance that exists only insofar it is "kept alive" by the incessant activity of individuals? Why not such a direct "desalienation," by means of which individuals recognize the God qua transcendent substance as the "reified" result of their own activity?

So why not? Hegel's answer relies on the dialectic of positing and presupposing: if the subject were to be able to do it on its own, through its own agency, then it would have been something merely POSITED by it - however, positing is in itself always one-sided, relying on some presupposition: "The unity of subjectivity and objectivity - this divine unity - must be a presupposition for my positing." 19 And Christ as God-man is the externally presupposed Unity, Reconciliation... first immediate, then mediate, holy spirit. From Christ, Love as his Predicate, to LOVE ITSELF as subject, as Holy Spirit - "I am where two of you love each other..."

But even here it may appear that one can counter Hegel with Hegel himself: is not this circle of positing-presupposing the very circle of substance-subject, of the Holy Spirit as a spiritual substance kept alive, effectively existing, arriving at its actuality, only in the activity of living individuals? The status of the Hegelian spiritual substance is properly VIRTUAL: it exists only insofar as subjects ACT as if it exists. Its status is similar to that of an ideological cause like Communism or My Nation: it is the "spiritual substance" of the individuals who recognize themselves in it, the ground of their entire existence, the point of reference which provides the ultimate horizon of meaning to their lives, something for which these individuals are ready to give their lives, yet the only thing that "really exists" are these individuals and their activity, so this substance is actual only insofar as individuals "believe in it" and act accordingly. So, again, why can we not pass directly from spiritual Substance as presupposed (the naïve notion of Spirit or God as existing in itself, without regard to humanity) to its subjective mediation, to the awareness that its very presupposition is retroactively "posited" by the activity of individuals?

Here we reach Hegel's key insight: Reconciliation cannot be direct, it has FIRST to generate (appear in) a MONSTER - Hegel uses twice on the same page this unexpectedly strong word, "monstrosity," to designate the first figure of Reconciliation, the appearance of God in the finite flesh of a human individual: "This is the monstrous /das Ungeheure/ whose necessity we have seen." 20 The finite fragile human individual in "inappropriate" to stand for God, it is die Unangemessenheit ueberhaupt /"the inappropriateness in general, as such/" 21 - are we aware of the properly dialectical paradox of what Hegel claims here? The very attempt at reconciliation, in its first move, produces a monster, a grotesque "inappropriateness as such"? So, again, why this weird intrusion, why not a direct passage from the (Jewish) GAP between God and man to the (Christian) reconciliation, by a simple transformation of "God" from Beyond to the immanent Spirit of Community?

The first problem here is that, in a way, JEWS ALREADY DID THIS: if there ever was a religion of spiritual community, it is Judaism, this religion which doesn't say a lot about life after death, or even about the "inner" belief in God, but focuses on the prescribed way of life, of obeying the communal rules: God "is alive" in the community of believers. The Jewish God is thus both at the same time: a transcendent substantial One And the virtual One of spiritual substance. - So how is this Jewish community of believers different from the Christian one, from the Holy Spirit?

While observing Napoleon on a horse in the streets of Jena after the battle of 1807, Hegel remarked that it was as if he saw there the World Spirit riding a horse. The Christological implications of this remark are obvious: what happened in the case of Christ is that God himself, the creator of our entire universe, was walking out there as a common individual. This mystery of incarnation is discernible at different levels, up to the parent's speculative judgment apropos a child "Out there our love is walking!", which stands for the Hegelian reversal of determinate reflexion into reflexive determination - the same as with a king, when his subject sees him walking around: "Out there our state is walking." Marx's evocation of reflexive determination (in his famous footnote in Chapter 1 of Capital) also falls short here: individuals think they treat a person as a king because he is a king in himself, while, effectively, he is a king only because they treat him as one. However, the crucial point is that this "reification" of a social relation in a person cannot be dismissed as a simple "fetishist misperception"; what such a dismissal itself misses is something that, perhaps, could be designated as the "Hegelian performative": of course a king is "in himself" a miserable individual, of course he is a king only insofar as his subjects treat him like one; however, the point is that the "fetishist illusion" which sustains our veneration of a king has in itself a performative dimension - the very unity of our state, that which the king "embodies," actualizes itself only in the person of a king. Which is why it is not enough to insist on the need to avoid the "fetishist trap" and to distinguish between the contingent person of a king and what he stands for: what the king stands for only comes to be in his person, the same as with a couple's love which (at least within a certain traditional perspective) only becomes actual in their offspring.

Only one radical conclusion: the problem is not "how to overcome the split". The split stands for subjectivity: subjectivity is split, gap of negativity. THIS NEGATIVITY IS NOT A PROBLEM, BUT A SOLUTION, it IS already in itself DIVINE. Divine is not the abyssal all-encompassing Substance/Unity behind the multitude of appearances, divine is the negative power of tearing apart the organic unity...

So Christ's "death" is not overcome, but ELEVATED into Spirit's negativity.

We can also see the homology between this necessity of Christ as the immediate embodiment of the spiritual substance and the necessity of illusion on which, among others, Bourdieu insists in his critique of Levi-Strauss's explanation of potlatch: it is not enough just to claim that Christ is a reified-immediate materialization of the Holy Spirit, the true question is why does the Holy Spirit have to appear first in the immediate form of a singular human being.

Notes:

1 G.W.F. Hegel, Philosophy of Mind, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1971, p. 44.
2 G.W.F. Hegel, Vorlesungen ueber die Geschichte der Philosophie, Dritter Band, Leipzig: Verlag Phillip Reclam 1971, p. 628.
3 G.W.F. Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of World History. Introduction, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1975, p. 170.
4 G.W.F. Hegel, Philosophy of Nature, Oxford: Clarendon Press 1970, p. 62.
5 Ermanno Bencivenga, Hegel's Dialectical Logic, Oxford: Oxford University Press 2000, p. 75.
6 G.K.Chesterton, The Man Who Was Thursday, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books 1986, p. 44-45.
7 Chesterton, op.cit., p. 45-46.
8 Op.cit., p. 48-49.
9 Op.cit., p. 168-170.
10 Op.cit., p. 170.
11 Op.cit., p. 180.
12 Op. cit.
13 Op.cit., p. 182-183.
14 Op.cit., p. 183.
15 G.K.Chesterton, Orthodoxy, San Francisco: Ignatius Press 1995, p. 145.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 G.W.F. Hegel. Theologian of the Spirit, Peter C. Hodgson, editor, Minneapolis: Fortress Press 1997, p. 237. Since this translation of some chapters from Hegel's lectures on the philosophy of religion is unreliable and fragmentary, one should always check the German original.
19 Hegel, op.cit., p. 237.
20 Hegel, op.cit., p. 238-239.
21 G.W.F. Hegel, Werke 17, Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag 1969, p. 272.


Contingency, Hegemony, Universality: Contemporary Dialogues on the Left by Slavoj Zizek, Ernesto Laclau, and Judith Butler





The Hegelian legacy, Left strategy, and post-structuralism versus Lacanian psychoanalysis.

What is the contemporary legacy of Gramsci's notion of Hegemony? How can universality be reformulated now that its spurious versions have been so thoroughly criticized? In this ground-breaking project, Judith Butler, Ernesto Laclau and Slavoj Zizek engage in a dialogue on central questions of contemporary philosophy and politics. Their essays, organized as separate contributions that respond to one another, range over the Hegelian legacy in contemporary critical theory, the theoretical dilemmas of multiculturalism, the universalism-versus-particularism debate, the strategies of the Left in a globalized economy, and the relative merits of post-structuralism and Lacanian psychoanalysis for a critical social theory. While the rigor and intelligence with which these writers approach their work is formidable, Contingency, Hegemony, Universality benefits additionally from their clear sense of energy and enjoyment in a revealing and often unpredictable exchange.

From The Young Hegel, Georg Lukacs 1938 - 2.5 The first studies in economics

2.5 The first studies in economics


HERE, at the decisive point in Hegel’s intellectual biography, where we might have hoped to clarify the concrete relations between his dialectics and his study of economics we find ourselves baulked by the utter failure of our sources and we are compelled to rely almost entirely on hypotheses. We may think ourselves fortunate that Rosenkranz has at least preserved the bare fact of the date when Hegel first took up economics.
All the material that Rosenkranz possessed in toto has since been lost. It is certainly no accident that this section of Hegel’s papers has vanished without trace, of his immediate pupils there was not a single one who had even the slightest comprehension of economic problems, let alone of their importance in the evolution of Hegel’s system and methodology. They did not even notice the obvious evidence of such studies in the published works (the Phenomenology, Philosophy of Right, etc.)
The backwardness of German society was such that even in the case of Germany’s greatest philosophical genius, Hegel himself, the intellectual reflection of social antagonisms appear, in an inverted, idealistic form.

In the case of his pupils, whose formative years fell, for the most part, in the period of the Restoration, there is an utter failure to comprehend the problems of economics and their significance for an understanding of the problems of society. And this blind spot is as much in evidence on the reactionary right-wing of the Hegelians as in the liberal centre and on the left. The timidity with which the Liberals of the 1830s tackled the great social issues of the time is reflected also in their utter blankness in the face of economic problems. Not until the early 1840s did the intensification of the class struggle awaken a certain interest in economic issues in the ranks of the Hegelians, and even then we find a lack of knowledge and serious study that compares very unfavourably with Hegel. The philosophical arrangement of the economic categories of both the classics and the utopians at the hands of the Hegelians among the ‘True Socialists’ and also by Lassalle scarcely advanced beyond a superficial formalism.

Not until the early works of the founders of dialectical materialism, of Marx and Engels, do we discover not merely a profound and thorough-going investigation of the problems of political economy, but also the conscious realisation that this was the realm in which the great problems of dialectics were to be studied, that here was the great task of taking the material accumulated, but not worked out dialectically, by the classics of bourgeois political economy and by the utopians, of discovering its underlying laws and principles, and advancing from there to an analysis of the dialectical laws of movement in society. As early as Engels’ brilliant writings in the Deutsch-französiche Jahrbücher, the connection between economics and dialectics- stands clearly in the foreground. Shortly after that Marx himself devotes his full attention to the problem in the Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts, the last section of which contains his critique of Hegel’s The Phenomenology of Mind. In this Marx, notwithstanding his incisive and crucial criticism of Hegel’s idealism, uncovers the important and positive role of economics in the formation of the Hegelian dialectic, in particular his use of the category of labour in which he follows in the footsteps of the English classics. This work is then succeeded by a series of important polemical writings against Bruno Bauer, Max Stirner, Proudhon, etc, which contain a large number of profound and illuminating observations on these issues.
It is typical of the opportunism of the Second International that a large proportion of these writings gathered dust in the archives, their value recognised by no-one. The development of opportunism coincided with the disappearance – of any understanding of dialectics and the rampant growth of metaphysical shallowness then created an atmosphere in which it was easy to twist and distort the clearly formulated propositions of Marxist economics.

Only the Bolsheviks consistently fought against this opportunism on all fronts. Lenin, despite the disadvantage of not having access to a large part of Marx’s work on this topic, was the only one to have grasped their full importance.

‘It is impossible completely to understand Marx’s Capital, and especially its first chapter, without having thoroughly studied and understood the whole of Hegel’s Logic. Consequently, half a century later none of the Marxists understood Marx!
Rosenkranz, a moderate liberal and an adherent of the so-called Hegelian centre at the time of the break-up of the school, naturally had no idea of the importance of Hegel’s economic studies. To give the reader an idea of the thoroughness with which the documents have been mislaid we propose to quote everything that Rosenkranz has to say on the topic in his biography; later biographers have merely copied from Rosenkranz. The discovery of Hegel’s manuscripts in recent decades has greatly increased our knowledge of Hegel’s study of economics in Jena, but about the years in Frankfurt we are as much in the dark as ever.

Rosenkranz states that Hegel’s interest in economic questions began in Frankfurt, and that it was primarily conditions in England that excited his curiosity. He regularly read the newspapers and made detailed notes from them (which have of course been lost). In Rosenkranz’s words:

‘At the same time he moved closer to the immediate arena of political events and found his interest in it greatly increased. Above all he was fascinated by the relations of commerce and property especially in England, partly no doubt in accordance with the general admiration which the previous century felt for the English constitution which was regarded by many as an ideal, and partly perhaps because no other country of Europe could boast such a variety of the forms of commerce and property as England, and nowhere else was there such a great variety of personal relationships as a result. As h is excerpts from English newspapers show, Hegel followed with great excitement the parliamentary debates on the Poor Law, the alms by means of which the nobility and the aristocracy of wealth attempted to appease the rage of indigent masses.
This passage is followed by a much more detailed account of Hegel’s interest in the Prussian prison system.

Unfortunately Rosenkranz mentions no dates. This is highly regrettable, especially as the reader of this book can see that he has misinterpreted Hegel’s attitude to England. We do not possess a single remark by Hegel that would lend support to Rosenkranz’s view that Hegel was ever a great admirer of the English constitution or that he regarded it as a model. Understandably enough he did not concern himself closely with England. On the contrary, the annotated translation of Cart which was written shortly after his arrival in Frankfurt and its sharp criticism of the reactionary policies of England seems to have arisen as an echo of the French Revolution. Thus Hegel’s interest in England seems to have grown in connection with his research into the nature and laws of bourgeois society during his stay in Frankfurt. It would be both important and interesting to discover the precise moment at which Hegel took up these studies since, in view of the relatively swift changes in Hegel’s views during the years of crisis in Frankfurt, a knowledge of the exact dates is very necessary.
But Hegel’s interest was not confined to the English economy; he also took up the study of economic theory. With reference to this Rosenkranz states:

‘All of Hegel’s ideas about the nature of civil society, about need and labour, about the division of labour and the wealth of the estates, about poverty, the police, taxation, etc, are finally concentrated in a commentary on the German translation of Steuart’s book on political economy which he wrote between. 19 February and 16 May 1799, and which has survived intact. It contains a number of magnificent insights into politics and history and many subtle observations.
Steuart was a supporter of the mercantilist system. With noble passion and a host of interesting illustrations, Hegel attacked the deadness of this system and sought to preserve man’s soul (das Gemüt) in the midst of competition, the mechanisation of labour and of commerce.’

We need not waste words on these jejune, uncomprehending remarks. But even from this meagre summary we can see what an important document we have lost. It is perfectly obvious that Hegel approached the problems of economics from the point of view of his critique of dead positivity and we would have a much clearer picture of his early attitudes to bourgeois society if only we still possessed these first investigations into economic theory.

Another factor here is that Rosenkranz’s account poses an insoluble problem. In the last sentence Rosenkranz claims that Hegel sought to save man’s soul amidst the mechanism of capitalist society. This would suggest that Hegel’s thoughts were running on similar lines to those of the reactionary Romantics. In view of Hegel’s later development and the general character of what we have seen of his philosophical and social attitudes, this sounds highly improbable. It is true enough that it was only later on that Hegel made his famous remark that the rational is real and the real is rational- but in a general sense it may be said to constitute the unconscious leitmotiv of all his thought from Frankfurt onwards. In the course of our examination of Hegel’s economic notes in Jena we shall have occasion to remark on his closeness to the ‘cynical’, the ruthlessly truthful views of the English classical economists who were perfectly willing to expose all the horrors and scandals of capitalist society, while asserting that capitalism was essentially progressive. For this reason we believe that Rosenkranz simply misunderstood Hegel. However, since we can offer no irrefutable proof of our assertion, and since it is an abstract possibility that Hegel aid for a short time incline towards Romantic economics, we can only regard our rejection of Rosenkranz’s interpretation as a hypothesis. Nevertheless, we believe that the reader who has followed the entire development of Hegel’s thought will agree that our hypothesis is correct,

It is not really possible to estimate the influence of Steuart’s particular economic principles on Hegel. Not only because the commentary has been lost and we cannot know which sections impressed Hegel, which he agreed with and which he rejected, but also because his reading of Steuart did not lead to any immediate attempt to apply the newly acquired economic principles to bourgeois society. What we have said earlier on about the discontinuities of the Frankfurt period applies with particular force here. Having spent three months on the problems of economics Hegel simply turned to his chief work in Frankfurt, The Spirit of Christianity. Of course, as we shall see, this essay does not neglect the problems of society, but its immediate theme is different and the change in his socioeconomic views only makes itself felt in a few places and even then in the most general philosophical terms. Not until the period in Jena do we come across manuscripts which directly concern themselves with social problems and among which economics are given an explicit and prominent position. Nor can we know with any certainty just how important economic problems were in Hegel’s last work in Frankfurt, the Fragment of a System of 1800, since as we shall see, only two small fragments of this work have survived. But in the Jena manuscripts there is evidence that in addition to Steuart Hegel had read the works of Adam Smith. And given the great abstractness of Hegel’s statements about economics, his exclusive interest in the great, universal problems, it is hard to show the impact of details.

All the same, it is highly probable that the study of Adam Smith was a turning-point in Hegel’s evolution. The problem which reveals the striking parallel between Hegel’s thought and the classical English economists is the problem of work as the central mode of human activity, as the chief method by which the identity of the subject-object (to use Hegel’s terminology at this time) can be achieved, as the activity which annuls the deadness of objectivity, as the driving force of the process which turns mankind into the product of its own activity. And it is highly probable that this problem emerges for the first time in the course of reading Adam Smith, since neither a study of the German economy which was so backward in the context of the development of capitalism, nor a reading of Steuart could really provide the necessary stimulus.

However, this is another issue which finds us reduced to hypotheses and guesswork, and we give our view in the full awareness that it is no more than a hypothesis. The first documentary evidence that Hegel had read Smith is contained in the manuscripts of some lectures given in Jena in 1803/4 and which were published not long ago. Hegel refers here to Adam Smith’s statements about developing the forces of production through the division of labour in the factory and he wrote the name of Smith in the margin. But as early as 1802, in the System of Ethics, a similar, if, as we shall see, a less well-developed attitude towards work, the division of labour etc., occupies a central position. It is therefore almost certain that Hegel was acquainted with Adam Smith right from the beginning of his period in Jena and that he had therefore overcome, at least in part, some of the limitations and defects of Steuart’s theories.

Now it is our belief that Hegel’s interest in classical English economics actually dates from an earlier period, namely from the time when he was already working on the Fragment of a System. It is perfectly true that that work gives us no help at all, at any rate not directly, since the surviving fragments contain only very meagre references to economic problems and we have no idea how Hegel had thought of the structure of the whole essay, nor indeed how far it was from completion. But in the course of some very obscure reflections on the philosophy of religion there is a very remarkable passage which may help to throw light on an extremely dark section of Hegel’s intellectual evolution.

In this fragment Hegel deals with the place of religion in man’s life, with the annulment of objectivity, of dead positivity in relation to men and things. The social and philosophical problems that this discussion provokes must be postponed for our detailed analysis of the entire fragment. We wish here to emphasise only one moment. Hegel writes:

‘But it is necessary that he [man] should also put himself into a permanent relation with objects and thus maintain their objectivity to the point of completely destroying them’.
In the Frankfurt manner already familiar to us, Hegel analyses man’s relation to property and hence to the dialectics of positivity and life. In this fragment he finds a solution in a very curious and highly mystical theory of sacrifice. He continues:

‘Man would still be unable to unite himself with the infinite life because he would have kept something for himself, he would still be in a state of mastering things or caught in a dependence upon them. This is the reason why he gives up only part of his property as a sacrifice, for it is his fate to possess property, and this fate is necessary and can never be discarded.... Only through this useless destruction, through this destruction for the sake of destruction, does he make good the destruction which he causes for his own particular purposes. At the same time he has consummated the objectivity of the objects by a destruction unrelated to his own purposes, by that complete negation of relations which is called death. This aimless destruction for destruction’s sake sometimes happens, even if the necessity of a purposive destruction of objects remains, and it proves to be the only religious relation to absolute objects.’
At first sight this passage is certainly obscure enough. Sacrifice is thought of as a religious way out of the necessary ‘fate’ of the world of property, of bourgeois society. What is of interest to us is the distinction between sacrifice which is viewed as ‘useless destruction’, ‘destruction for destruction’s sake ‘ and a concept of ‘purposive destruction’ which remains utterly unexplained in this context. The fragment from which we are quoting is the last sheet, i.e. the conclusion of Hegel’s manuscript. If Hegel falls even to hint at what he means by what is obviously an important concept, this can only be explained by arguing that it must have been elucidated in the earlier parts of the essay, now lost. But enough has been said to indicate that ‘purposive destruction’ refers to the normal, everyday relation of man to the world of objects. The point of the sacrifice is precisely to raise man beyond that realm.
We must postpone for the time being our discussion of the meaning of sacrifice for Hegel. Our subsequent analyses, especially of his Jena theory of society, will show that the concept is not a religious or mystical one but that it is intimately connected with the illusions Hegel cherished at this time about the possibility of resolving the contradictions of bourgeois society. What interests us here is rather the concept with which it is contrasted, viz. the ‘purposive destruction’ of the objects. In order to decipher this apparently no less obscure notion we must have recourse to the System of Ethics written two years later in Jena. It is evident that the idea is connected with work. Hegel defines work in the System of Ethics in language reminiscent of Schelling’s, as is much in the first part of his in stay in Jena, as the ‘destruction of the object’, and indeed as its purposive destruction. The first dialectical triad from which his thought proceeds is: need, work, enjoyment. Work is then defined as follows:
‘The destruction of the object, or of intuition (Anschuauung), but as a moment (i.e. not finally and absolutely) so that this destruction is replaced by another intuition or object; or else it establishes the pure identity, activity of the act of destruction; ... it does not destroy the object as object in general, but in such a way that another is put in its place ... this destruction, however, is work.
Admittedly, this definition does not contain the word ‘purposive’, but if we follow Hegel’s line of thought carefully here and see how he moves from work to the tools of work and from tools to machines, it is evident that the idea is present and only the word is missing, and the word is only missing because it is supererogatory in this context. The connection between work and purposiveness remains henceforth a basic fact of Hegel’s thought. Even in his treatment of theology in the Logic work continues to play an extraordinarily important part, as Lenin has expressly pointed out in various notes.

We believe, therefore, that the conception of work which is so essential a category in the Jena System of Ethics was already present in the lost parts of the Frankfurt Fragment of a System. And this makes it extremely probable that Hegel studied Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations as a preliminary to the latter work. (We must add in passing that the works of both Steuart and Smith were available in Germany at this time in various translations.)

In the circumstances it is exceptionally difficult to isolate the influence of particular English economists on particular ideas of Hegel’s. However, we may draw attention to a number of elements in Steuart which undoubtedly had a lasting effect. Above all, Steuart was, as Marx shows, the real historian of economics among the classics; he was more interested in the social origins of capitalism than its inner workings which he grasps less well than his successors. And at this stage in Hegel’s career, when he was concerned to establish the historical necessity of bourgeois society, the sheer volume of information in Steuart’s work and the constant comparisons between ancient and modern economics must have made a deep impression on him.

Beyond that, however, it can be argued that Hegel may have found it much easier to accept certain retrograde elements in Steuart, which had been superseded by Smith’s much clearer and more radical insights. No doubt, Hegel fought dead positivity wherever he found it and this would have led him to sympathise with Smith’s efforts to eliminate certain obsolete elements of the old economics, with its wholesale fetishisations. But such outmoded views may have deep roots in the economies of backward nations. The relation between the economy and the state, for example, could only be analysed consistently in England, in the works of Smith and Ricardo. Marx has frequently shown how French economists of the Napoleonic era clung to all sorts of outmoded attitudes on that very question. This was even truer of Germany, and the very much slower growth of economics in Germany meant that misconceptions about the economic role of the state lasted well beyond Hegel’s day. (One need think only of Lassalle and Rodbertus.) When in addition we remind ourselves that Hegel in his Jena period entertained many false hopes about the possibilities of resolving the antinomies of bourgeois society along Napoleonic lines, it is only too easy to understand why Hegel should have leant more towards Steuart that Smith on this issue.

But there is one further respect in which Hegel never departs from a view held by Steuart, and never reaches the point of understanding the great advances made by Adam Smith and Ricardo in formulating the laws underlying capitalist economics. We refer to the problem of surplus labour and surplus value. Marx, in his critique of Steuart’s economics, makes the point that Steuart remained imprisoned within the old theory of making a ‘profit upon alienation’. It is true that Steuart does distinguish between positive and relative profit. The latter is profit upon alienation. Marx says of the former:

‘Positive profit arises from “augmentation of labour, industry and ingenuity.” How it arises from this Steuart makes no attempt to explain. The further statement that the effect of this profit is to augment and swell “the public good” seems to indicate that Steuart means by it nothing but the greater mass of use-values produced in consequence of the development of the productive powers of labour, and that he thinks of this positive profit as quite distinct from capitalists’ profit – which always presupposes an increase of exchange value.’
When we come to consider Hegel’s economic views in Jena we shall see how deeply entangled he is in ideas of this sort which were so retrograde by English standards. The more progressive ideas that he had gained from a study of Adam Smith and a greater awareness of the facts of the English economy do indeed enable him to perceive certain economic contradictions in capitalism, particular antagonisms between capital and labour and he is able to discuss these frankly. But he never succeeds in unveiling the mystery of real capitalist exploitation, indeed he never approaches as close to it as the English bourgeois economists. This is a barrier he will never surmount and the reason is not far to seek: his knowledge of the conflict between capital and labour only comes to him from reading about international economic relations, not from his own experience, from a real insight into capitalism in ordinary life. That is to say, the barrier here is an intellectual mirror of the primitive economy of Germany.

Naturally, the size of the barrier is even further increased by Hegel’s own idealism, in particular by his inversion of the relationship between law and the state on the one hand and economics on the other. But, as we have shown, his idealism is itself rooted in the same soil. Thus the economic backwardness of Germany does not have any single direct influence on Hegel, nor does it directly distort many of his most brilliant insights into bourgeois society. Its effects are various, complex and often impinge on his thought in unexpected ways.

We shall discuss Hegel’s economic views in detail when we come to analyse his attempts to systematise them in Jena. For the present it is enough if we briefly indicate the immediate effects of Hegel’s study of economics and the nature of his approach to the problems of bourgeois society. The decisive moment is contained in the long passage from the Fragment of a System already quoted: from this point onwards Hegel regards economics, the economic life of men, their determination by their economic relation to each other and to things as an inexorable ‘fate’. (The Hegelian concept of fate will be analysed fully in the next chapter.) We have already seen the seeds of this view in the first notes of the Frankfurt period when Hegel made a number of complex observations on the possibility of harmonising property relations with love.

But the idea was only treated sporadically there; here it becomes a crucial issue. Earlier on it was just one of the problems of subjective love, here we find it defined as fate and opposed to the highest representative of religion, Jesus. Part of Hegel’s conception of fate in Frankfurt is the idea that to struggle against a hostile power has the same consequences as to evade it; this is in fact the expression of the inevitability of fate. However mystical many of Hegel’s utterances sound on this point, they yet contain a much more realistic core of truth about history and society than is to be found in the other German philosophers of this time: namely his rejection of the very common idea, still prevalent among intellectuals, that a man can stand above his age and his society, that he can take up a theoretical or practical position from a standpoint ‘external’ to his society.

In this sense property is treated in the Spirit of Christianity as an ineluctable fate. Since in that essay Hegel’s reflections concentrate on the possibility of realising the teaching of Jesus in society, it is natural that he should keep returning to the passage in the New Testament about the rich young man whom Jesus advised to dispose of his property to gain salvation. We may remember that Hegel had already referred to this passage in Berne (p. 63), but there he had confined himself to the observation that it illustrated his argument that Christianity is concerned exclusively with ‘private individuals’. At that stage he was not interested in the economic implications.

Only now does he focus on the latter, but he does so with a vengeance. in the plan for The Spirit of Christianity he is only concerned with Jesus’ escape from economics. Since property and possessions cannot constitute ‘a beautiful condition of life’ Jesus turns away from them. The next step in Hegel’s development is that he tacitly dismisses the various subjective compromises with which he had experimented. He says:

‘The kingdom of God is a condition in which God rules, and all determinations and rights are annulled; hence his words to the young man: go, sell that thou hast – it is hard for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of God; – hence, too, Christ’s renunciation of all possessions and all honour – these relations with father, family, property cannot become beautiful, therefore they should not exist at all, so that at least the opposite state of affairs might not exist either.
No further consequences are deduced in the plan.

But the corresponding passage in the text of the full manuscript speaks a very different language. We shall see that Hegel has a much closer, more approving attitude towards Jesus in this work than he ever had in Berne. Despite this the Berne writings never contained such scathing comments on Jesus’ teaching as this one. (In Berne Hegel’s satire had been aimed more at Christianity than at the church.) Hegel reverts to the parable of the rich young man and says:

‘About the command which follows to cast aside care for one’s life and to despise riches, as also about Matthew XIX, 23: “How hard it is for a rich man to enter the kingdom of Heaven,” there is nothing to be said; it is a litany pardonable only in sermons and rhymes, for such a command is without truth for us. The fate of property has become too powerful for us to tolerate reflections on it, to find its abolition thinkable. But this at least is to be noticed, that the possession of riches, with all the rights as well as all the cares connected with it, brings into human life definitive details whose restrictedness prescribes limits to the virtues, imposes conditions on them, and makes them dependent on circumstances. Within these limitations, there is room for duties and virtues, but they allow of no whole, of no complete life, because if life is bound up with objects, it is conditioned by something outside itself, since in that event something is tacked on to life as its own which yet cannot be its property. Wealth at once betrays its opposition to love, to the whole, because it is a right caught in a context of multiple rights, and this means that both its immediately appropriate virtue, honesty, and also the other virtues possibly within its sphere, are of necessity linked with exclusion, and every act of virtue is in itself one of a pair of opposites. A syncretism, a service of two masters, is unthinkable because the indeterminate and the determinate cannot retain their form and still be bound together.’
We can see here that Hegel has gone far towards recognising the necessity of bourgeois society, even though his insight is still clothed in the mystical terminology of his view of fate. We see also, harking back to the last chapter, that his attack on Kantian ethics, his assertion that a conflict of duties is inevitable is closely bound up with the conception of society now slowly crystallising. We shall now see, in the course of our analysis of the longest manuscript of the Frankfurt period, that on the basis of this conception the tragic conflict of values now reaches right into Hegel’s view of religion and affects his attitude towards Jesus himself, even though it was Jesus Hegel had looked to, in Frankfurt above all, to resolve all these conflicts. We shall also see that we are dealing with a contradiction which runs through Hegel’s entire idealist dialectic, one which he will later attempt to resolve at a much higher level, but without any greater success.