Showing posts with label Jean Paul Sartre. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Jean Paul Sartre. Show all posts

Interview: Simone de Beauvoir, The Art of Fiction No. 35


Simone de Beauvoir had introduced me to Jean Genet and Jean-Paul Sartre, whom I had interviewed. But she hesitated about being interviewed herself: “Why should we talk about me? Don't you think I've done enough in my three books of memoirs?” It took several letters and conversations to convince her otherwise, and then only on the condition “that it wouldn't be too long.”

The interview took place in Miss de Beauvoir's studio on the rue Schoëlcher in Montparnasse, a five-minute walk from Sartre's apartment. We worked in a large, sunny room which serves as her study and sitting room. Shelves are crammed with surprisingly uninteresting books. “The best ones,” she told me, “are in the hands of my friends and never come back.” The tables are covered with colorful objects brought back from her travels, but the only valuable work in the room is a lamp made for her by Giacometti. Scattered throughout the room are dozens of phonograph records, one of the few luxuries that Miss de Beauvoir permits herself.

Apart from her classically featured face, what strikes one about Simone de Beauvoir is her fresh, rosy complexion and her clear blue eyes, extremely young and lively. One gets the impression that she knows and sees everything; this inspires a certain timidity. Her speech is rapid, her manner direct without being brusque, and she is rather smiling and friendly.


INTERVIEWER

For the last seven years you've been writing your memoirs, in which you frequently wonder about your vocation and your profession. I have the impression that it was the loss of religious faith that turned you toward writing.

SIMONE DE BEAUVOIR

It's very hard to review one's past without cheating a little. My desire to write goes far back. I wrote stories at the age of eight, but lots of children do the same. That doesn't really mean they have a vocation for writing. It may be that in my case the vocation was accentuated because I had lost religious faith; it's also true that when I read books that moved me deeply, such as George Eliot's The Mill on the Floss, I wanted terribly much to be, like her, someone whose books would be read, whose books would move readers.

INTERVIEWER

Have you been influenced by English literature?

DE BEAUVOIR

The study of English has been one of my passions ever since childhood. There's a body of children's literature in English far more charming than what exists in French. I loved to read Alice in Wonderland, Peter Pan, George Eliot, and even Rosamond Lehmann.

INTERVIEWER

Dusty Answer?

DE BEAUVOIR

I had a real passion for that book. And yet it was rather mediocre. The girls of my generation adored it. The author was very young, and every girl recognized herself in Judy. The book was rather clever, even rather subtle. As for me, I envied English university life. I lived at home. I didn't have a room of my own. In fact, I had nothing at all. And though that life wasn't free, it did allow for privacy and seemed to me magnificent. The author had known all the myths of adolescent girls—handsome boys with an air of mystery about them and so on. Later, of course, I read the Brontës and the books of Virginia Woolf: Orlando, Mrs. Dalloway. I don't care much for The Waves, but I'm very, very fond of her book on Elizabeth Barrett Browning.

INTERVIEWER

What about her journal?

DE BEAUVOIR

It interests me less. It's too literary. It's fascinating, but it's foreign to me. She's too concerned with whether she'll be published, with what people will say about her. I liked very much “A Room of One's Own” in which she talks about the situation of women. It's a short essay, but it hits the nail on the head. She explains very well why women can't write. Virginia Woolf is one of the women writers who have interested me most. Have you seen any photos of her? An extraordinarily lonely face . . . In a way, she interests me more than Colette. Colette is, after all, very involved in her little love affairs, in household matters, laundry, pets. Virginia Woolf is much broader.

INTERVIEWER

Did you read her books in translation?

DE BEAUVOIR

No, in English. I read English better than I speak it.

INTERVIEWER

What do you think about college and university education for a writer? You yourself were a brilliant student at the Sorbonne and people expected you to have a brilliant career as a teacher.

DE BEAUVOIR

My studies gave me only a very superficial knowledge of philosophy but sharpened my interest in it. I benefited greatly from being a teacher—that is, from being able to spend a great deal of time reading, writing and educating myself. In those days, teachers didn't have a very heavy program. My studies gave me a solid foundation because in order to pass the state exams you have to explore areas that you wouldn't bother about if you were concerned only with general culture. They provided me with a certain academic method that was useful when I wrote The Second Sex and that has been useful, in general, for all my studies. I mean a way of going through books very quickly, of seeing which works are important, of classifying them, of being able to reject those which are unimportant, of being able to summarize, to browse.

INTERVIEWER

Were you a good teacher?

DE BEAUVOIR

I don't think so, because I was interested only in the bright students and not at all in the others, whereas a good teacher should be interested in everyone. But if you teach philosophy you can't help it. There were always four or five students who did all the talking, and the others didn't care to do anything. I didn't bother about them very much.

INTERVIEWER

You had been writing for ten years before you were published, at the age of thirty-five. Weren't you discouraged?

DE BEAUVOIR

No, because in my time it was unusual to be published when you were very young. Of course, there were one or two examples, such as Radiguet, who was a prodigy. Sartre himself wasn't published until he was about thirty-five, when Nausea and The Wall were brought out. When my first more or less publishable book was rejected, I was a bit discouraged. And when the first version of She Came to Stay was rejected, it was very unpleasant. Then I thought that I ought to take my time. I knew many examples of writers who were slow in getting started. And people always spoke of the case of Stendhal, who didn't begin to write until he was forty.

INTERVIEWER

Were you influenced by any American writers when you wrote your early novels?

DE BEAUVOIR

In writing She Came to Stay, I was certainly influenced by Hemingway insofar as it was he who taught us a certain simplicity of dialogue and the importance of the little things in life.

INTERVIEWER

Do you draw up a very precise plan when you write a novel?

DE BEAUVOIR

I haven't, you know, written a novel in ten years, during which time I've been working on my memoirs. When I wrote The Mandarins, for example, I created characters and an atmosphere around a given theme, and little by little the plot took shape. But in general I start writing a novel long before working out the plot.

INTERVIEWER

People say that you have great self-discipline and that you never let a day go by without working. At what time do you start?

DE BEAUVOIR

I'm always in a hurry to get going, though in general I dislike starting the day. I first have tea and then, at about ten o'clock, I get under way and work until one. Then I see my friends and after that, at five o'clock, I go back to work and continue until nine. I have no difficulty in picking up the thread in the afternoon. When you leave, I'll read the paper or perhaps go shopping. Most often it's a pleasure to work.

INTERVIEWER

When do you see Sartre?

DE BEAUVOIR

Every evening and often at lunchtime. I generally work at his place in the afternoon.

INTERVIEWER

Doesn't it bother you to go from one apartment to another?

DE BEAUVOIR

No. Since I don't write scholarly books, I take all my papers with me and it works out very well.

INTERVIEWER

Do you plunge in immediately?

DE BEAUVOIR

It depends to some extent on what I'm writing. If the work is going well, I spend a quarter or half an hour reading what I wrote the day before, and I make a few corrections. Then I continue from there. In order to pick up the thread I have to read what I've done.

INTERVIEWER

Do your writer friends have the same habits as you?

DE BEAUVOIR

No, it's quite a personal matter. Genet, for example, works quite differently. He puts in about twelve hours a day for six months when he's working on something and when he has finished he can let six months go by without doing anything. As I said, I work every day except for two or three months of vacation when I travel and generally don't work at all. I read very little during the year, and when I go away I take a big valise full of books, books that I didn't have time to read. But if the trip lasts a month or six weeks, I do feel uncomfortable, particularly if I'm between two books. I get bored if I don't work.

INTERVIEWER

Are your original manuscripts always in longhand? Who deciphers them? Nelson Algren says that he's one of the few people who can read your handwriting.

DE BEAUVOIR

I don't know how to type, but I do have two typists who manage to decipher what I write. When I work on the last version of a book, I copy the manuscript. I'm very careful. I make a great effort. My writing is fairly legible.

INTERVIEWER

In The Blood of Others and All Men Are Mortal you deal with the problem of time. Were you influenced, in this respect, by Joyce or Faulkner?

DE BEAUVOIR

No, it was a personal preoccupation. I've always been keenly aware of the passing of time. I've always thought that I was old. Even when I was twelve, I thought it was awful to be thirty. I felt that something was lost. At the same time, I was aware of what I could gain, and certain periods of my life have taught me a great deal. But, in spite of everything, I've always been haunted by the passing of time and by the fact that death keeps closing in on us. For me, the problem of time is linked up with that of death, with the thought that we inevitably draw closer and closer to it, with the horror of decay. It's that, rather than the fact that things disintegrate, that love peters out. That's horrible too, though I personally have never been troubled by it. There's always been great continuity in my life. I've always lived in Paris, more or less in the same neighborhoods. My relationship with Sartre has lasted a very long time. I have very old friends whom I continue to see. So it's not that I've felt that time breaks things up, but rather the fact that I always take my bearings. I mean the fact that I have so many years behind me, so many ahead of me. I count them.

INTERVIEWER

In the second part of your memoirs, you draw a portrait of Sartre at the time he was writing Nausea. You picture him as being obsessed by what he calls his “crabs,” by anguish. You seem to have been, at the time, the joyous member of the couple. Yet, in your novels you reveal a preoccupation with death that we never find in Sartre.

DE BEAUVOIR

But remember what he says in The Words. That he never felt the imminence of death, whereas his fellow students—for example, Nizan, the author of Aden, Arabie—were fascinated by it. In a way, Sartre felt he was immortal. He had staked everything on his literary work and on the hope that his work would survive, whereas for me, owing to the fact that my personal life will disappear, I'm not the least bit concerned about whether my work is likely to last. I've always been deeply aware that the ordinary things of life disappear, one's day-to-day activities, one's impressions, one's past experiences. Sartre thought that life could be caught in a trap of words, and I've always felt that words weren't life itself but a reproduction of life, of something dead, so to speak.

INTERVIEWER

That's precisely the point. Some people claim that you haven't the power to transpose life in your novels. They insinuate that your characters are copied from the people around you.

DE BEAUVOIR

I don't know. What is the imagination? In the long run, it's a matter of attaining a certain degree of generality, of truth about what is, about what one actually lives. Works which aren't based on reality don't interest me unless they're out-and-out extravagant, for example the novels of Alexandre Dumas or of Victor Hugo, which are epics of a kind. But I don't call “made-up” stories works of the imagination but rather works of artifice. If I wanted to defend myself, I could refer to Tolstoy's War and Peace, all the characters of which were taken from real life.

INTERVIEWER

Let's go back to your characters. How do you choose their names?

DE BEAUVOIR

I don't consider that very important. I chose the name Xavière in She Came to Stay because I had met only one person who had that name. When I look for names, I use the telephone directory or try to remember the names of former pupils.

INTERVIEWER

To which of your characters are you most attached?

DE BEAUVOIR

I don't know. I think that I'm interested less in the characters themselves than in their relationships, whether it be a matter of love or friendship. It was the critic Claude Roy who pointed that out.

INTERVIEWER

In every one of your novels we find a female character who is misled by false notions and who is threatened by madness.

DE BEAUVOIR

Lots of modern women are like that. Women are obliged to play at being what they aren't, to play, for example, at being great courtesans, to fake their personalities. They're on the brink of neurosis. I feel very sympathetic toward women of that type. They interest me more than the well-balanced housewife and mother. There are, of course, women who interest me even more, those who are both true and independent, who work and create.

INTERVIEWER

None of your female characters are immune from love. You like the romantic element.

DE BEAUVOIR

Love is a great privilege. Real love, which is very rare, enriches the lives of the men and women who experience it.

INTERVIEWER

In your novels, it seems to be the women—I'm thinking of Françoise in She Came to Stay and Anne in The Mandarins—who experience it most.

DE BEAUVOIR

The reason is that, despite everything, women give more of themselves in love because most of them don't have much else to absorb them. Perhaps they're also more capable of deep sympathy, which is the basis of love. Perhaps it's also because I can project myself more easily into women than into men. My female characters are much richer than my male characters.

INTERVIEWER

You've never created an independent and really free female character who illustrates in one way or other the thesis of The Second Sex. Why?

DE BEAUVOIR

I've shown women as they are, as divided human beings, and not as they ought to be.

INTERVIEWER

After your long novel, The Mandarins, you stopped writing fiction and began to work on your memoirs. Which of these two literary forms do you prefer?

DE BEAUVOIR

I like both of them. They offer different kinds of satisfaction and disappointment. In writing my memoirs, it's very agreeable to be backed up by reality. On the other hand, when one follows reality from day to day, as I have, there are certain depths, certain kinds of myth and meaning that one disregards. In the novel, however, one can express these horizons, these overtones of daily life, but there's an element of fabrication that is nevertheless disturbing. One should aim at inventing without fabricating. I had been wanting to talk about my childhood and youth for a long time. I had maintained very deep relationships with them, but there was no sign of them in any of my books. Even before writing my first novel, I had a desire to have, as it were, a heart-to-heart talk. It was a very emotional, a very personal need. After Memoirs of a Dutiful Daughter I was unsatisfied, and then I thought of doing something else. But I was unable to. I said to myself, “I've fought to be free. What have I done with my freedom, what's become of it?” I wrote the sequel that carried me from the age of twenty-one to the present time, from The Prime of Life to Force of Circumstance—

INTERVIEWER

At the meeting of writers in Formentor a few years ago, Carlo Levi described The Prime of Life as “the great love story of the century.” Sartre appeared for the first time as a human being. You revealed a Sartre who had not been rightly understood, a man very different from the legendary Sartre.

DE BEAUVOIR

I did it intentionally. He didn't want me to write about him. Finally, when he saw that I spoke about him the way I did, he gave me a free hand.

INTERVIEWER

In your opinion, why is it that, despite the reputation he's had for twenty years, Sartre the writer remains misunderstood and is still violently attacked by critics?

DE BEAUVOIR

For political reasons. Sartre is a man who has violently opposed the class into which he was born and which therefore regards him as a traitor. But that's the class which has money, which buys books. Sartre's situation is paradoxical. He's an antibourgeois writer who is read by the bourgeoisie and admired by it as one of its products. The bourgeoisie has a monopoly on culture and thinks that it gave birth to Sartre. At the same time, it hates him because he attacks it.

INTERVIEWER

In an interview with Hemingway in The Paris Review, he said, “All you can be sure about, in a political-minded writer is that if his work should last you will have to skip the politics when you read it.” Of course, you don't agree. Do you still believe in “commitment”?

DE BEAUVOIR

Hemingway was precisely the type of writer who never wanted to commit himself. I know that he was involved in the Spanish civil war, but as a journalist. Hemingway was never deeply committed, so he thinks that what is eternal in literature is what isn't dated, isn't committed. I don't agree. In the case of many writers, it's also their political stand which makes me like or dislike them. There aren't many writers of former times whose work was really committed. And although one reads Rousseau's Social Contract as eagerly as one reads his Confessions, one no longer reads The New Héloïse.

INTERVIEWER

The heyday of existentialism seems to have been the period from the end of the war to 1952. At the present time, the “new novel” is in fashion; and such writers as Drieu La Rochelle and Roger Nimier.

DE BEAUVOIR

There's certainly a return to the right in France. The new novel itself isn't reactionary, nor are its authors. A sympathizer can say that they want to do away with certain bourgeois conventions. These writers aren't disturbing. In the long run, Gaullism brings us back to Pétainism, and it's only to be expected that a collaborator like La Rochelle and an extreme reactionary like Nimier be held in high esteem again. The bourgeoisie is showing itself again in its true colors—that is, as a reactionary class. Look at the success of Sartre's The Words. There are several things to note. It's perhaps—I won't say his best book, but one of his best. At any rate, it's an excellent book, an exciting display of virtuosity, an amazingly written work. At the same time, the reason it has had such success is that it's a book that is not “committed.” When the critics say that it's his best book, along with Nausea, one should bear in mind that Nausea is an early work, a work that is not committed, and that it is more readily accepted by the left and right alike than are his plays. The same thing happened to me with The Memoirs of a Dutiful Daughter. Bourgeois women were delighted to recognize their own youth in it. The protests began with The Prime of Life and continued with Force of Circumstance. The break is very clear, very sharp.

INTERVIEWER

The last part of Force of Circumstance is devoted to the Algerian war, to which you seem to have reacted in a very personal way.

DE BEAUVOIR

I felt and thought about things in a political way, but I never engaged in political action. The entire last part of Force of Circumstance deals with the war. And it seems anachronistic in a France that is no longer concerned with that war.

INTERVIEWER

Didn't you realize that people were bound to forget about it?

DE BEAUVOIR

I deleted lots of pages from that section. I therefore realized that it would be anachronistic. On the other hand, I absolutely wanted to talk about it, and I'm amazed that people have forgotten it to such a degree. Have you seen the film La Belle Vie, by the young director Robert Enrico? People are stupefied because the film shows the Algerian war. Claude Mauriac wrote in Le Figaro Litteraire: “Why is it that we're shown parachute troopers on public squares? It's not true to life.” But it is true to life. I used to see them every day from Sartre's window at Saint Germain des Prés. People have forgotten. They wanted to forget. They wanted to forget their memories. That's the reason why, contrary to what I expected, I wasn't attacked for what I said about the Algerian war but for what I said about old age and death. As regards the Algerian war, all Frenchmen are now convinced that it never took place, that nobody was tortured, that insofar as there was torture they were always against torture.

INTERVIEWER

At the end of Force of Circumstance you say: “As I look back with incredulity at that credulous adolescent, I am astounded to see how I was swindled.” This remark seems to have given rise to all kinds of misunderstandings.

DE BEAUVOIR

People—particularly enemies—have tried to interpret it to mean that my life has been a failure, either because I recognize the fact that I was mistaken on a political level or because I recognize that after all a woman should have had children, etc. Anyone who reads my book carefully can see that I say the very opposite, that I don't envy anyone, that I'm perfectly satisfied with what my life has been, that I've kept all my promises and that consequently if I had my life to live over again I wouldn't live it any differently. I've never regretted not having children insofar as what I wanted to do was to write.

Then why “swindled”? When one has an existentialist view of the world, like mine, the paradox of human life is precisely that one tries to be and, in the long run, merely exists. It's because of this discrepancy that when you've laid your stake on being—and, in a way you always do when you make plans, even if you actually know that you can't succeed in being—when you turn around and look back on your life, you see that you've simply existed. In other words, life isn't behind you like a solid thing, like the life of a god (as it is conceived, that is, as something impossible). Your life is simply a human life.

So one might say, as Alain did, and I'm very fond of that remark, “Nothing is promised us.” In one sense, it's true. In another, it's not. Because a bourgeois boy or girl who is given a certain culture is actually promised things. I think that anyone who had a hard life when he was young won't say in later years that he's been “swindled.” But when I say that I've been swindled I'm referring to the seventeen-year-old girl who daydreamed in the country near the hazel bush about what she was going to do later on. I've done everything I wanted to do, writing books, learning about things, but I've been swindled all the same because it's never anything more. There are also Mallarmé's lines about “the perfume of sadness that remains in the heart,” I forget exactly how they go. I've had what I wanted, and, when all is said and done, what one wanted was always something else. A woman psychoanalyst wrote me a very intelligent letter in which she said that “in the last analysis, desires always go far beyond the object of desire.” The fact is that I've had everything I desired, but the “far beyond” which is included in the desire itself is not attained when the desire has been fulfilled. When I was young, I had hopes and a view of life which all cultured people and bourgeois optimists encourage one to have and which my readers accuse me of not encouraging in them. That's what I meant, and I wasn't regretting anything I've done or thought.

INTERVIEWER

Some people think that a longing for God underlies your works.

DE BEAUVOIR

No. Sartre and I have always said that it's not because there's a desire to be that this desire corresponds to any reality. It's exactly what Kant said on the intellectual level. The fact that one believes in causalities is no reason to believe that there is a supreme cause. The fact that man has a desire to be does not mean that he can ever attain being or even that being is a possible notion, at any rate the being that is a reflection and at the same time an existence. There is a synthesis of existence and being that is impossible. Sartre and I have always rejected it, and this rejection underlies our thinking. There is an emptiness in man, and even his achievements have this emptiness. That's all. I don't mean that I haven't achieved what I wanted to achieve but rather that the achievement is never what people think it is. Furthermore, there is a naïve or snobbish aspect, because people imagine that if you have succeeded on a social level you must be perfectly satisfied with the human condition in general. But that's not the case.

“I'm swindled” also implies something else—namely, that life has made me discover the world as it is, that is, a world of suffering and oppression, of undernourishment for the majority of people, things that I didn't know when I was young and when I imagined that to discover the world was to discover something beautiful. In that respect, too, I was swindled by bourgeois culture, and that's why I don't want to contribute to the swindling of others and why I say that I was swindled, in short, so that others aren't swindled. It's really also a problem of a social kind. In short, I discovered the unhappiness of the world little by little, then more and more, and finally, above all, I felt it in connection with the Algerian war and when I traveled.

INTERVIEWER

Some critics and readers have felt that you spoke about old age in an unpleasant way.

DE BEAUVOIR

A lot of people didn't like what I said because they want to believe that all periods of life are delightful, that children are innocent, that all newlyweds are happy, that all old people are serene. I've rebelled against such notions all my life, and there's no doubt about the fact that the moment, which for me is not old age but the beginning of old age, represents—even if one has all the resources one wants, affection, work to be done—represents a change in one's existence, a change that is manifested by the loss of a great number of things. If one isn't sorry to lose them it's because one didn't love them. I think that people who glorify old age or death too readily are people who really don't love life. Of course, in present-day France you have to say that everything's fine, that everything's lovely, including death.

INTERVIEWER

Beckett has keenly felt the swindle of the human condition. Does he interest you more than the other “new novelists”?

DE BEAUVOIR

Certainly. All the playing around with time that one finds in the “new novel” can be found in Faulkner. It was he who taught them how to do it, and in my opinion he's the one who does it best. As for Beckett, his way of emphasizing the dark side of life is very beautiful. However, he's convinced that life is dark and only that. I too am convinced that life is dark, and at the same time I love life. But that conviction seems to have spoiled everything for him. When that's all you can say, there aren't fifty ways of saying it, and I've found that many of his works are merely repetitions of what he said earlier. Endgame repeats Waiting for Godot, but in a weaker way.

INTERVIEWER

Are there many contemporary French writers who interest you?

DE BEAUVOIR

Not many. I receive lots of manuscripts, and the annoying thing is that they're almost always bad. At the present time, I'm very excited about Violette Leduc. She was first published in 1946 in Collection Espoir, which was edited by Camus. The critics praised her to the skies. Sartre, Genet, and Jouhandeau liked her very much. She never sold. She recently published a great autobiography called The Bastard, the beginning of which was published in Les Temps Modernes, of which Sartre is editor-in-chief. I wrote a preface to the book because I thought that she was one of the unappreciated postwar French writers. She's having great success in France at the present time.

INTERVIEWER

And how do you rank yourself among contemporary writers?

DE BEAUVOIR

I don't know. What is it that one evaluates? The noise, the silence, posterity, the number of readers, the absence of readers, the importance at a given time? I think that people will read me for some time. At least, that's what my readers tell me. I've contributed something to the discussion of women's problems. I know I have from the letters I receive. As for the literary quality of my work, in the strict sense of the word, I haven't the slightest idea.



—Translated by Bernard Frechtman


Source: http://www.theparisreview.org/interviews/4444/the-art-of-fiction-no-35-simone-de-beauvoir




Simone de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, & Bianca Lamblin


A Disgraceful Affair: Simone de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, and Bianca Lamblin





In this intimate memoir, Bianca Lamblin tells the story of her menage a trois with Simone de Beauvoir and Jean-Paul Sartre, and their abandonment of her, a Jew, at the onset of World War II.

From Publishers Weekly

In this tell-all memoir, Lamblin evens the score between herself and renowned French thinkers-and lovers-de Beauvoir and Sartre. Their menage a trois-begun in 1938 when Lamblin was a 17-year-old student of de Beauvoir (who was 29)-ended when Sartre dismissed her, at de Beauvoir's instigation, right after the outbreak of WW II. The two women maintained a 40-year friendship after the war, but later Lamblin became enraged at de Beauvoir's humiliating account of their threesome in Letters to Sartre, published posthumously, although Lamblin's real name was not used. She also declares the two failed to appreciate the danger to which she was exposed during the war because she was a Jew, and she takes issue with many of the details in Deirdre Bair's Simone de Beauvoir. Whatever one may conclude from the affair, this memoir is fueled by spite rather than insight. Photos not seen by PW.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. 

From Library Journal

Arguably moving on the one hand and controversial on the other, this work involves two of the most prominent French thinkers of this century, Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir. It is the story of Bianca Bienenfeld, a 17-year-old student who was seduced by her philosophy professor, de Beauvoir, and then passed on to de Beauvoir's partner/lover Sartre. The three lived in a menage 'a trois between 1939 and 1940, when the relationship ended and the teenager was abandoned. The shock of being let down wasn't easy for the Jewish youngster to bear, especially during those menacing and politically dangerous years. Following the war, Bianca Lamblin, now married, resumed a platonic friendship with de Beauvoir. The former teacher and student met every month for 40 years. After de Beauvoir's death, Bianca was in for yet another disappointment. In the posthumously published Letters to Sartre and War Journal, de Beauvoir contemptuously ridiculed Louise Vedrine, a pseudonym for Lamblin, who found her portrait by someone she thought a close friend vulgar, full of hypocrisy, and upsetting. Always candid, this exceptional account brings to light some intimate?and not too surprising?aspects of the life of Sartre and de Beauvoir. Recommended for large collections.?Ali Houissa, Cornell Univ., Ithaca, N.Y.
Copyright 1996 Reed Business Information, Inc. 

From Booklist

Bianca Bienenfield Lamblin is finally in control of her own story. As she says, she needs at last to be the "subject" of a memoir, not the "object" of further biography. This account is her response to the 1990 publication of Simone de Beauvoir's posthumously published Letters to Sartre and War Journal, in which the author unveiled the depth of her hypocritical disgust toward her protege. At age 17, Bienenfield, a Polish Jew, entered an intellectual and sexual affair with Beauvoir, her professor at the Lycee Moliere. Soon, Beauvoir widened the seduction to include her partner, Jean-Paul Sartre. In 1940, following a two-year menage atrois, Bienenfield was unceremoniously dumped by her two lovers. Her emotional destruction served as a bleak accompaniment to the collapse of her adopted country by Hitler's invading forces. After the war, Lamblin and Beauvoir resumed a relationship that continued platonically for 40 years. Lamblin's memoir recounts the details of her involvement in the infamous threesome, balanced by the counterpoint of her later, loving marriage to Bernard Lamblin. A valuable inside look at the gurus of existentialism and a fascinating perspective of Jewish life during the German occupation. Patricia Hassler

Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir Screener



Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) and Simone de Beauvoir (1908-1986), two of the most influential and controversial thinkers of our time, are presented in this unique documentary originally broadcast in 1967 and photographed by Michel Brault, one of Canadas most distinguished documentary cameramen and filmmakers. Jean-Paul Sartre addresses a variety of topics: his opposition to the Vietnam War, the purpose and mandate of the Bertrand Russell war crime tribunal he chaired, his reaction to extensive criticism, and his refusal of the Nobel Prize for literature.

Simone de Beauvoir responds straightforwardly to questions. She talks about her ongoing commitment to womens liberation and about the decline of the movement, particularly in France. Her vision of life is optimistic, but her realism in the face of despair is disarmingly lucid.

For the first time, the two allow a candid glimpse into their private lives. They show us the places theyve lived, reveal their thoughts and work habits, and discuss, albeit discreetly, the nature of their relationship. Simone de Beauvoir modestly confides that they agreed to be filmed for all those who have enjoyed their works and all those who will one day read them.
1961, B/W, 60 mins. Transcript available by request.

Louis-Ferdinand Céline on Jean-Paul Sartre 1948

Louis-Ferdinand Céline on Jean-Paul Sartre 1948

To the Nutcase


Written: by Louis-Ferdinand Céline;
Source: Originally in Albert Paraz, La Gala des Vaches, Éditions de l’Élan, Paris, 1948;
Translated: for marxists.org by Mitch Abidor, 2010;
CopyLeft: Creative Commons (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org 2010.
Translator’s note: Louis-Ferdinand Céline (1894-1961) published two of the greatest French novels of the twentieth century, “Voyage au Bout de la Nuit” (Journey to the End of the Night) and “Mort à Crédit” (Death on the Installment Plan) in 1932 and 1936. His genius was immediately recognized on all sides, including by Leon Trotsky. The uncompromising misanthropy of these two novels mutated in 1937 into ferocious anti-Semitism in 1937 with the publication of “Bagatelles Pour un Massacre” (Bagatelles for a Massacre), and Céline was now well on his way to his destiny as a collaborationist who attacked the Vichy government for its lack of rigor in its pursuit of the Jews. He fled France for Germany after the Allied debarkation and joined the remains of the collaborationist government in its last redoubt, Sigmaringen in Germany. He later reached Denmark where he served a year in prison for collaborationism, and returned to France in 1951 when he was amnestied, returning to literature and his original career as a doctor.
“À l’Agité du Bocal” was provoked by an article written by Sartre in Les Temps Modernes in 1945 attacking Céline for defending the Nazis for pecuniary reasons. This response originally appeared in 1948 in the book “La Gala des Vaches” by the French writer and defender of Céline, Albert Paraz.

I don’t read much; I don’t have the time. So many years already lost in so much foolishness and prison! But people press me, abjure me, badger me. I must, it appears, read a kind of article, the “Portrait of an Anti-Semite’ by Jean-Baptiste Sartre (Temps Modernes, December 1945). I browse through this long homework assignment, glance at it, it’s neither good nor bad, it’s nothing at all, a pastiche...a kind of “Copycatwriters”... ....This little J.B.S. read “L’Étourdi,” “The Tulip Lover,” etc. He was caught up in them and can’t escape...Still in high school, this J.B.S.! Still with his pastiches, with his “copycatworks”... Céline’s style too... and many others...“Whores” etc... “Replacement heads”... “Maya.”.. Nothing too serious, of course. I have a few trailing behind my ass, these “Copycatwriters”... what can I do about it? Suffocating, hateful, half-baked, traitors, half-bloodsucker, half-tapeworm, they don’t do me any honor, I never speak of them, and that’s all. Children of the shadows. Decency! Oh, I don’t wish little J.B.S. any harm! There where he is his fate is cruel enough! Since we’re talking about a homework assignment I would give him a seven out of a possible twenty and let’s
not talk about it anymore... But on page 462 the little turd shocks me! The damned rotten asshole! What does he dare to write? “If Céline supported the socialist theses of the Nazis it’s because he was paid.” And I quote. Yes! This then is what this little dung-beetle wrote while I was in prison risking a hanging. Filthy little bastard full of shit, you come out from between my ass cheeks to soil me from outside! Cain anus ptooey! What are you hoping for? That they murder me! It’s obvious! Here! Let me squash you! Yes!... I see his photos, those bug eyes...that hook...that slobbering leech...he’s a cestode! What won’t he invent, this monster, so that they assassinate me! Barely out of my caca and he denounces me! What’s best is that on page 451 he has the venom to warn us: “A man who finds it natural to denounce men can’t have our notion of honor. He doesn’t even see those for whom he is a benefactor with our eyes; his generosity, his kindness is not like our kindness and generosity: it isn’t possible to localize passion.”

In my asshole where he can be found we can’t ask of J.B.S. too see clearly or to explain himself simply. J.B.S. it seems has nevertheless foreseen the solitude and obscurity of my anus...J.B.S. obviously is talking about himself when he writes on page 451: “This man fears every kind of solitude, that of the genius as well as that of the assassin.” Let’s understand what this means...Based on the weeklies J.B.S. only sees himself in the skin of a genius. For my part and based on his texts, I am forced to see J.B.S. only in the skin of an assassin, and even more, of a fucking police informant, cursed, hideous, a pain in the ass, rumor monger, a donkey in glasses. Here I am getting carried away! It’s not appropriate for my age or condition!... I was going to close here...disgusted, that’s all...I think it over...Assassin and brilliant? We’ve seen this before...After all...Maybe that’s the case with Sartre. An assassin he is, he wants to be one, that’s understood, but brilliant? Brilliant tiny turd of my ass ? Hmmm?...That remains to be seen...yes, to be sure, that could blossom...make itself known...but J.B.S.? His embryo eyes? His mean and petty shoulders? That fat little gut... and philosopher!...that add up to a lot of things...It seems he freed Paris on bicycle. He played around... at the Theater, the City [1], with the horrors of the era, the war, torture, irons, fire. But times change, and there he is growing, swelling up enormously, J.B.S.! He can’t control himself anymore...he no longer knows himself...from the embryo he is he’s becoming a creature...the cycle...he’s had enough of toys, cheating...he’s running after ordeals, real ordeals...prison...expiation... the stick, and the biggest of all sticks, the stake... J.B.S. becomes destiny.... the Furies! No more bagatelles... He wants to become a true monster! Now he’s yelling at De Gaulle.

What a way of doing things! He wants to commit the irreparable! He insists on it! The witches are going to make him crazy, he came to tease them, they’ll never let him go...Tapeworm of a turd, fake tadpole, you’re going to eat the mandrake! You’ll be promoted to a succubus! The illness of being cursed evolves in Sartre...Old illness, as old as the world, that all of literature of literature is rotted with...Wait, J.B.S. before committing the ultimate mistake! Palpate yourself! Realize that horror is nothing without the Dream and without Music... I clearly see you a tapeworm, but not a cobra, not a cobra at all...no good at the flute! Macbeth is nothing but a Punch and Judy show, and that on a bad day, without music, without dream... You are wicked, filthy, ungrateful, hateful, pig-headed, and that’s not all J.B.S.! That’s not enough... You have to dance!...I could be mistaken, of course... I couldn’t ask for more.. I’ll go applaud you when you finally become a true monster, when you’ll have paid them, the witches, what you have to, their price, so they transmute you, blossom you, into a true phenomenon. Into a tapeworm that plays the flute.

Didn’t you ask me directly and through Dullin [2], through Denoël [3], beg me “under the boot” to please come down and applaud you! I didn’t find you either danceable or fluteable, a terrible vice in my opinion, I confess... But let’s forget all this! Let’s only think of the future! Try to have your demons inculcate the flute in you! The flute before all! Later on for Shakespeare, high schooler! ¾ of flute, ¼ of blood... ¼ suffices, I assure you... but first yours before all the other blood! Alchemy has its laws... the “blood of others” doesn’t please the Muses... Let’s think... even so you had your little success at the Sarah [4] under the boot with your “Flies” [5]... Can’t you now find three little acts, quickly, for the occasion, in a hurry, “The Informants” [6]? A retrospective little revue... We’ll see you there in person, with your little buddies, sending your detested colleagues, called “Collaborators,” to the penal colonies, to the firing squad, into exile... Would this be comical enough? You, of course, strong in your text in the starring role...as a mocking and philosophical tapeworm... It’s easy to imagine a hundred of the most farcical coups de theatre, happenings, and developments in the course of a fairy tale of this kind... and then in the final tableau one of those “general massacres” that would shake all of Europe with mad laughter! (It’s about time!) The most joyous of the decade! They’ll still be pissing, bungling at the 500th performance! And even beyond... (The Beyond! Ha, ha, ha.) The assassination of the “signatories,” all shooting each other!... Yourself by Cassou [7] ... The latter by Eluard [8]! The other by his wife and Mauriac [9]! And so on until the last one!... Can you imagine!... The hecatomb of apotheosis! Not to mention the flesh, of course!... A great parade of superb, naked, waddling girls... the orchestra of the Grand Tabarin... The jazz band of the “Builders of the Wall"... “Atlanticist boys"... assistance guaranteed... and the great orgy of ghosts in luminous double exposure... 200,000 assassinated, prisoners, cholera, unworthy... and women with their heads shaved! Dance the farandole! Heaven’s orchestra seats! Chorus of the “Hangmen of Nuremberg"... And in the tone you see more-than-existence, instantaneist, massacrist... Ambience set by hiccoughs of death throes, noises of colics, sobs, metal... “Help!"... As background noise: “Hurrah machine!"... You see? And the main attraction, at intermission: auction of handcuffs. And a drink of blood at the snack bar. The absolutist Futurist Bar. Nothing but real blood! By the glass, raw, certified by hospitals... from that very morning! Aortic blood, fetal blood, hymenal blood, blood of the executed!.. For all tastes! What a future! For J.B.S.! What miracles you will do when you will blossom as a True Monster! I already see you out of the asshole, playing the flute, a real little flute! Marvelously!...already almost a real artist!
Damned J.B.S.

1. Parisian theaters
2. Cherles Dullin (1885-1949) – French actor, director, and theater manager
3. Robert Denoel (1902-1945) – French publisher of Céline’s works.
4. Parisian theater
5. Sartre’s play, initially performed in 1942 “under the German boot”
6. Untranslatable French play on words: “Les Mouches” (The Flies). “Les Mouchards” (the Informants).
7. Jean Cassou (1897-1987) – French writer and Resistance member
8. Paul Eluard (1895-19520 – French poet and member of the French Communist Party
9. Francois Mauriac (1885-1970) – French wtiret. Winner of the Nobel Prize in 1952.

Introduction to “It is Right to Rebel” - Jean-Paul Sartre 1974

Introduction to “It is Right to Rebel”


Source: P. Gavi, J-P Sartre, P. Victor, On a rasion de se Révolter. Gallimard, Paris, 1974;
Translated: for marxists.org by Mitch Abidor 2007;
Interview: Tuesday, February 26, 1974;
CopyLeft: Creative Commons (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org 2007.
An adventure that begins on a certain day, that ends on another, with ideas that aren’t always the same... (November 1972-March 1974)

Philippe Gavi: The discussions began in November 1972. They finished in March 1974. During this period of almost a year and a half many things happened, many events took place. Upon re-reading this manuscript it can be seen that some of our ideas have changed, changed because confronted with each other in the course of these discussions, changed also because confronted with what was happening elsewhere, at Lip, for example. It is important that each of us is clear about his evolution. We can recall that at the origin of these discussions there was the birth of the daily “Libération;” at least, it was only a project during the winter of 1972. We thought that the newspaper would begin appearing February 5, 1973; in reality, it came out May 22, 1973. It was a matter of finding the money, and we thus thought we would earn money with this book that would going into the “Libération” cash box. Personally, it is for this reason I accepted to do this. I want to be clear that in this book I am not speaking in the name of the “Libération” team, no more than does Sartre. We were only delegated to express our personal points of view. All of the money will go to the newspaper, which really needs it. To be sure, it’s strange to see three people talk to each other and then put out a book with their names on the cover, but we didn’t talk behind closed doors. Each had his “praxis.” And nothing prevents others, many others, from also forming “speak out groups.” It should also be said that we had no doubts that these conversations would take on such importance for us.
Jean-Paul Sartre: I am in complete agreement with Gavi in all that he said; that is, that this one of the frequent cases in politics where chance finally becomes reality, with a meaning that goes along with the general line that we are seeking. For example, here there was one meaning, which was “Libération,” which was the Maoist movement, and it is this that we wanted to try to express through the dialogues. And then little by little, the sense of these dialogues became clearer. Finally, it’s because we found ourselves there, that we had a certain sympathy and a certain manner of handling those problems that were our own that we had these discussions. They thus absolutely appeared as a contingency, as chance. And then little by little, in function of the newspaper that was developing, in function of social events, we perceived that that this simple chance undertaking was in fact an undertaking that had a meaning. It is thus the transformation of chance into necessity that is represented by the evolution of these discussions.
Is this your opinion, Victor?

Pierre Victor: Exactly. I can say, perhaps more categorically than you, that in the course of these discussions my position changed. It isn’t simply ideas that evolved, but even my position: at the beginning I was – and you took me for – a leader of the Maoist movement...
Sartre: We took you for someone “coming here as leader of the Maoist movement"...
Victor: Yes. And then, at the end of these discussions, I am no longer precisely a leader. In November 1972, when we began these discussions, there is behind it what I call the Maoist movement, which had a rich experience of revolutionary action and which already had a quite burdensome image; it’s quite normal that this image be a particular burden on the leader. Throughout the first part of the discussions you provoke me, you want constantly to place yourself at the edges of the Maoist movement. This, incidentally is what was interesting; you question me about what the Maoist movement didn’t do, couldn’t do, didn’t think or thought our poorly. In particular, the questioning is concentrated on the question of the struggle against ideological institutions, the question of minorities, sexual minorities, and we can say that in that first part of the discussions I am constantly provoked. I think that in our discussions that method has a certain effectiveness. I insist on this: there was an efficacy of “discussion,” unlike traditional debates where we leave just as we came in, where the roles remain fixed. This was not at all the case. So here is the primary factor: the discussions made me change my ideas because my interlocutors put their finger on weaknesses, limits, that could be corrected, or that can’t be. The important thing is that they be put in perspective, so we can see beyond them. There was a second factor in the evolution of this position of leader of the Maoist movement. This second factor is the evolution of the Maoist movement itself. These discussions are stretched out over a period when the contradictions concerning organization as it is structured, thus the idea of an organization and its reality, was sharpened and headed towards a point of explosion. In other words, it was a “bad year.” But we are yet seeking this putting in question. So that contradiction between organization and the social movement, even if it led at the time to the holding of false positions, ended by provoking an explosion and an enormous shake-up of ideas as a whole. In the end, the evolution of this contradiction is a positive factor. This is the second factor in my evolution. The third factor, which I place last, but which is really the most important, is Lip. I am speaking for myself, because it is precisely Lip that will correspond to a change in my position. By laying out my ideas on Lip I found myself at loggerheads with the ideas and the state of the Maoist movement at the moment of Lip, and I was to find myself, in a certain manner, in a purely personal position...not exactly, because there will still be the authority acquired after five years of experience. The Lip event is the most important factor. There had been certain conservative aspects of traditional Marxist thought in my head that I hadn’t succeeded in putting in question in May 1968, in particular the heavy, massive and redoubtable concept of organization as it was left to us by the so-called heirs of Leninism. I hadn’t succeed in truly putting it in question in May 1968. As long as the worker doesn’t speak about organization we can always be tempted to have recourse to the old, conservative Marxist discourse; we can claim that it is a working class discourse, which it is, in part. What was needed was that worker event, Lip, for me to put in question certain very profound things about organization, thus on its theory and power, and I fell from on high, thus also on my position as leader. It was the combination of these three factors that provoked my evolution, from the beginning of these discussions up to the end.
Sartre: Very clear. And now the reader must be put in a position where he can judge the depth of our changes.
Victor: Have you changed?
Gavi: These discussions took place in two stages; in the first stage two individuals, Sartre and I, question the representative of a movement we feel close to, while all the while remaining critical. At that time the Maoist movement exists, we question obviously on what it does, and we spend much time on what separates us; the front pages of “La Cause du Peuple” where it says: “The guillotine, but for Touvier.” A total absence of reflection on the contradictions within the people, the lack of transparency in the organization. We insist much on the importance of struggles that you still considered marginal or whose meaning you didn’t grasp: the struggles of women and homosexuals...We attack your concept of organization. Sartre explains the nature of his relations with the PCF and with the Maoists.
In a second period, beginning in the spring, two things have fundamentally changed:
  1. In the first place the Maoist movement is a hair’s breadth from no longer existing as such. It is coming apart, dissolving. So much so that we come together as three individuals, each implicated differently and at the same time in common, in the revolutionary movement. Victor is no longer the representative of a movement. He appears more as an escapee. We then speak less of Maoists, more of the present and the future in function of the event that spring up as the days pass.
  2. And then, “Liberation’ appears and there I am with daily responsibility.
Victor: ...and power
Gavi: ... and power, yes it’s true; the newspaper is an instrument of power. The editors, the manufacturers, those who make the newspaper write what they see happening. They obviously have power in relation to what is happening, a political power. The situation is thus in a certain way reversed: at the beginning of the discussions it is Victor who, through his daily practice, has more political power, and towards the end of the discussions it’s the journalist at “Libération.” I questioned Victor. It is now he who is going to question me. Sartre, always the same, questions both of us and even though his name doesn’t often appear in the newspaper still plays an important role in its evolution, for his criticisms have dual repercussions: through Victor on the Maoists who work at “Libération” and constitute half the team, and on me, journalist at “Libération.” The evolution of the Maoists, or of Sartre, then takes a backseat. Many questions are concretely posed for us at the newspaper: reflecting on the union movement, reflecting on the balance of power at present, on the union of the left. In short, I find myself in a situation where I must make concrete our reflections on organization, authority, and socialism. At the current time I think there cannot be a revolution without a simultaneous overturning of economic and ideological relations. In this lies the interest and the contribution Chinese Cultural Revolution. Anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian; this is the meaning of our current approach, and the reality of what is called “leftism,” still seeking its own identity after five years of gestation. We are in a minority within the left, and we have the problems that go with every minority. Imagine one day a government of the left; obviously we would be in a minority in relation to that left, and we would thus be condemned to the position of followers, critical followers, but followers nonetheless, even if totally provocative and adventurist. Either we would be dreary, personality-less fellow travelers, or we would open the gates to fascism by provoking a radicalization when the balance of power isn’t favorable to us, and we would emerge defeated from an armed confrontation. In other words, as long as we remain in the minority, as long as our ideas remain marginally influential any government of the left can only lead to three failures: the first is fascism, for a simple reason: this government hasn’t understood that power isn’t plucked like a flower, that the bourgeoisie is ready for anything. It isn’t ready for a confrontation. It thinks there can be a peaceful transition o socialism. This is what happened in Chile: the Communist Party and the extreme left were both liquidated. Second failure: social democracy. In order to avoid confrontation the government of the left concedes so many things to the bourgeoisie that we find ourselves, like under the Fourth Republic, with Socialist ministers who, less well than the UDR, manage the interests of the bourgeoisie and repress the popular movement. Third failure: authoritarian bureaucracy of the Soviet type, this after a violent confrontation. The authoritarian left not having ideologically “worked on” the middle class not able to rally them with economic measures that were inadequate, the middle class could do nothing else but become fascist. And the inevitable confrontation concludes either in fascism or in authoritarian bureaucracy. If we want neither fascism, nor social-democracy, nor authoritarian bureaucracy, we will thus fight the right, against capitalism, by making a common front with the left, and then against the left in order to overturn the balance of power within the left by introducing there the struggle against the division of labor, the fight against hierarchy, the fight against all authoritarian relations. It’s a political struggle we are undertaking, not intellectual ideas we are tossing in the air. It will have its own forms of action, a profoundly democratic practice, and spaces in process of liberation where direct democracy and the control of each over everything is concretely inscribed in daily life: communities, investigative commissions, occupations, parallel press, legitimacy of illegality, speak-out groups, rotation of tasks, mutual aid networks. And in every space in which we take a bit of power and carry out an apprenticeship in new democracy we will pose the question of power as a whole, until the day when we will together occupy the entirety of the space at the end of a series of confrontations which we will also have prepared ourselves for.
Victor: You, Sartre, what did you learn in these discussions?
Sartre: I re-learned, if you will...
Victor: A reminiscence...
Sartre: Yes, the reminiscence of a theory that is entirely mine, the theory of freedom: I think that every man is free. I explain within the discussions what I mean by this, and it must be said that until 1968 that freedom didn’t appear clearly to me in the political domain, and my relations with the PCF managed more to disgust me with this than anything else. The PCF and freedom don’t go together.
Victor: From which comes “Dirty Hands"...
Sartre: From which comes “Dirty Hands.” And now I see, I see again the possibility of conceiving a political struggle centered on freedom. It’s a very important thing for me to rediscover today what I thought 25 years ago, to rediscover it through different strange and twisted paths, but I have rediscovered it and it is what I will speak of. I spoke of freedom over the course of the discussions, but we count on having a conclusion to these discussions, and I will speak in that conclusion of the role of freedom in the current praxis of the organizations we have to create. And so for me, I have simply rediscovered the realistic truth by approaching reality with you. This seems quite important for an intellectual who in general no longer knows reality, and I noted with pleasure that on this notion of freedom we were, in the end, not so very different. I think that in the beginning we were totally different, but at the end of the discussions we are close enough on this question, and this is important to me; to a point where I’ll tell you that for me the dialogue, from beginning to end, was the increasingly precise, increasingly progressive bringing out of the idea of freedom. It isn’t always seen in the discussions, but deep down it presided over all that I said through its rebirth and its clarity. I had with you, Victor, more important discussions on freedom, but unfortunately they aren’t published here. It can be said that freedom has a place in these discussions only through its absence, except it is the reverse side of all that I said. This is what I can affirm. Insofar as under other names than freedom you are quite close to me, in certain areas I have the impression that you are quite struck by these ideas of freedom. This is why I would even have proposed, though not insisting that we keep it, the words “Discussions on Freedom,” had we been a bit more explicit on this question. It was “freedom within organization.” It seems to me that at the current time that it is the freedom of the militant that is in question and not the vague freedom of the person, the individual, but the freedom of the militant. If you want my opinion, we will attempt to define it in the conclusion, for we mustn’t abandon this point of view.
Victor: I could perhaps add a word. And that is that it seems to me that this change that we can feel the length of these discussions, and that permutation of roles which obviously isn’t complete, is not unique to the three of us. I think this reflects a profound change that we glimpsed in the final discussions on the position of the politico, a shakeup in ideas let us say of traditional Marxist thought that doesn’t come from the three intellectuals gathered here. This is a mass fact.
Gavi: I’m in complete agreement: five years after May 1968 something extremely important is happening. This concept of freedom, so marginal, if not “idealist,” is beginning to be made concrete politically. It is present in all conflicts. Re-appropriated by the workers. A new relationship of forces is in the process of being established. We have gone beyond the stage of the active minority, and the working class has taken up the baton from the petit bourgeoisie. There is a tiny Lip in the head of more and more people, thanks to the evolution of production relations, to confrontations... thanks also to the ideas that have been developed over the years by the revolutionary movement, but marginalized. These ideas aren’t new, but they have a new strength. For a long time they were either the work of tiny groups who didn’t manage to assume their identity and who become even tinier groups or allowed themselves to be liquidated, or the saws of a few intellectuals who had no relationship to reality, who were cut off from reality, whose voices were stifled, or who were used by the bourgeoisie. Today they are taking on a new breadth, and this is why I think that we have arrived at a third moment of the revolutionary movement; after the religious movement, after the Marxist religion, freedom had become a daily practice.
Sartre: We still have to conclude this introduction
Gavi: What do you think?
Sartre: If the reader wants to truly understand this book he must accompany us on the path we’ve taken from the first discussions up to the last. In other words, it’s not a matter of reading the experiences of a few people on a distant isle, ion an unknown continent; it’s a matter of seeing people who are the reader himself, of passing from a kind of necessity for the struggle to the idea in libertarian form in conjunction with current struggles. It’s a matter of doing this because in doing this the reader is penetrated by us, there are several themes that are present and often in competition that take place... that are treated in these discussions, these are currents of ideas in him, and he must take them as such. It must be the idea defended by Gavi, then the idea defended by Victor, then the idea that I defend. There are currents we can have in spirit that are contradictory, and he must see to what extent we become closer towards the end. In other words, there is a labor and a time to be used in reading a manuscript. You can’t take just any page with the idea that it’s a page that says what it says for eternity. It’s a page that says what it says but that can be refuted on page 150 or 200: it must be read as temporal. This is what seems to me to be the most important things in these discussions, and it’s obviously what happens in political or philosophical discussions with any people who want to have them: they sit down, they talk, and if it’s well conducted it can modify them and this will become known through their dialogue, and little by little the dialogue will take on a temporal form. So we have here a temporal form, not a written form with a gentleman who has suppressed time, produces some work of which he has the principles and the conclusions; but an idea is a form made in time. Time counts enormously in this book, the time at which we began in fall ‘72, the time at which we finished; in the meanwhile Chile was victim of a coup d’état, in the meanwhile there was Lip and there were many other things as well, the war in the Middle East, etc., and all of this influenced us, not that we always speak of it, but it can be felt that we were influenced. So it’s necessary, if we absolutely want the reader to take this book as the temporal unity that it is, that we think of the events in the background. It’s necessary that the reader who reads it see the dates and reflect, saying to himself: here Chile wasn’t going well, on all this they have different opinions but each of these opinions is more open than those they once had. So I advise the reader to read this book as something that is an event, an adventure that begins on a certain day and ends on another, with ideas that aren’t always the same within the temporal development but which ends by arriving at a coherent thought which for its part demands at that moment to be developed in a “Second Discussion,” etc, but which we leave where it is in 1974. So there is a fourth interlocutor in these discussions, and that’s the reader. This should be considered as a dialogue between us and the reader, and the conclusion of this reader upon finishing the book is that which I hope we would like to have as well ,a conclusion concerning the book and the ideas that were developed and varied within the project itself. Voila....

The Slow Death of Andreas Baader by Jean-Paul Sartre 1974

Andreas Baader

The Slow Death of Andreas Baader


Translated: for marxists.org by Mitch Abidor 2004.
First Published: Libération, December 7, 1974;
CopyLeft: Creative Commons (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org 2004;
Andreas Baader and Ulrike Meinhof were the leaders of the Red Army Faction, an urban terrorist group which carried out kidnappings and assassinations in the 1970s. They died under suspicious cicrumstances while in prison in Germany in 1977.

At the beginning, we shook hands. He seated himself across from me and then, after three minutes, the first thing he said, a little as if it were a greeting, was: “I thought I was dealing with a friend, but they sent me a judge...”
Obviously, this was because of the statement I'd made on German TV the night before.
I think that he also hoped that I had come to defend him and his comrades based on the actions they'd taken. He saw that I wasn’t in agreement with them. I came as a man of the Left in sympathy with any Left-wing group in danger; this is an attitude that I think should be generalized.
I came so that he could give me his point of view on the struggle they'd conducted. Which he did, by the way.

And I hadn’t come to say I was in agreement with him, but simply to learn which of his opinions could be taken up again elsewhere, if we think they were correct, and also to talk about his situation in the prison as a prisoner.

We then spoke of his life in prison. I asked him why he was on a hunger strike. He answered that he was doing it in protest against the conditions of his incarceration.

As we now know, there are a certain number of cells in the prison I went to, but these also exist in other German prisons. They are separated from the other cells; they are painted white and the electricity works until 11:00 pm, and sometimes 24 hours out of 24.

And there’s something he’s missing: sound. Apparatuses in the interior of the cell select sounds, weaken them and render them perfectly inaudible within the cell itself.

We know that sound is indispensable to a human body and consciousness. There must be an atmosphere surrounding a person.

Sounds, which we call silence — but which carry to us, for example, the sound of a passing tram, that of a passer-by on the street, warning sirens — are connected to human conduct; they mark human presence.

This absence of communication with others through sound creates profound problems — circulatory problems of the body, and problems of consciousness. These latter destroy thought by rendering it increasingly difficult. Little by little, it provokes blackouts, then delirium, and, obviously, madness.
So even if there is no “torturer,” there are people who squeeze certain levers on another level. This torture provokes deficits in the prisoner; it leads him to stupefaction or to death.

Baader, who is a victim of this torture, speaks quite appropriately, but from time to time he stops, as if he has lost his train of thought. He takes his head in his hands in the middle of a sentence and then starts up again two minutes later.

His body has grown thin from his hunger strike; he is force fed by prison doctors, but he is very thin and has lost 15 kilos; he floats in his clothes, which have become too big. There is no longer any relation between the Baader I saw and the man in good health.

These procedures, reserved for political prisoners alone — at least, those of the Baader-Meinhof Group — are procedures contrary to the Rights of Man.

According to the Rights of Man, a prisoner should be treated like a man. To be sure, he is locked up, but he shouldn’t be the object of any torture, or anything having as its goal to bring on the death or degradation of the human person. This system is precisely against the human person and destroys it.
Baader is still resisting very well. He is weakened, he is surely ill, but he remains conscious. Others are in a coma.

Ulrike Meinhof There is fear for the lives of five detainees within the next few weeks, few months, or perhaps even days. It is urgent that a movement be set up to demand that the prisoners be treated in accordance with the Rights of Man; that they not suffer from any particular ill-treatment that could prevent them from correctly answering any questions that will be posed to them the day of their trial or even, as has already happened once, to kill them.

There is already in existence a defense committed for the German Prisoners in France. This committee works together with Holland and England. But it’s important that a committee of this kind be created in Germany, made up of intellectuals, doctors, and people of all kinds who demand that both those arrested for common crimes and political prisoners be treated in the same way.

Illegalism and Ultra-Leftism

Jean-Paul Sartre 1972
Sartre with Che and Simone in Cuba 1960

Illegalism and Ultra-Leftism


Source: On a raison de se révolter, Philippe Gavi, J-P Sartre, & Pierre Victor. Gallimard, Paris, 1974;
First Published: December 1972;
Translated: for marxists.org by Mitch Abidor;
CopyLeft: Creative Commons (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org 2004.

Sartre: When I accepted the editorship of the Cause du Peuple (CDP) I had the vague idea of contributing to a tightening of the lost unity of May 68. Which is to say that at that time I was not at all with the Maoists. I took the title in the name of freedom of the press, but I wasn’t against Vive la Révolution (VLR) and the organ, Tout, or against Révolution, or against the Trotskyists of Rouge, or against any group of the period. At that time for me these were groups that should have been be more or less in agreement on precise objectives, like in ’68, and who should have take up again their united movement. What I little by little learned was...
Victor: In ’69 you had the same idea concerning the unity of revolutionaries and you supported Krivine in the presidential elections.
Sartre: I supported him for a while. But I wanted him to say: I am standing for office because it allows you to hear a voice of the extreme left on the television, but not in order to be elected.
Victor: Today you are against any Machiavellianism in voting matters: you're going to say this in Les Temps Modernes. But in May ’69 you were Machiavellian?
Sartre: I'm against electoral Machiavellianism (for example, voting for people you hope won’t be elected) not for moral reasons but because I feel that universal suffrage doesn’t lend itself to this. But I'm not against a ruse against Power, something that I feel to be only fitting. What bothered me wasn’t that he used the function — created by Power — of the candidate so that a voice of the extreme left could be heard on state TV, it’s that he persisted in presenting himself so that the Trots be counted. Universal suffrage is a ruse of bourgeois power for substituting legality for the legitimacy of popular movements and direct democracy. I expected Krivine to say the first time he as on TV: “Thanks for listening to me, I didn’t want anything else. Do whatever you want with your votes, but don’t vote for me, since I'm no longer a candidate.”
Victor: Nevertheless it was clear from the beginning that he too wanted to count “his votes.” He accepted the rule of indirect representation.
Sartre: Yes, and it was regrettable. And it’s not only a Trotskyist error. During the last elections in Italy Il Manifesto wanted to present Valpreda for understandable but erroneous reasons. The result: he was crushed. Sure, extreme left political groups can serve as a fermenting agent in daily life. But those who are under their influence are more numerous than those who claim to be part of them. So the very idea of counting one’s numbers thorough universal suffrage is false, it can’t give an accounting of their real influence in the country. After this I realized that the Trotskyists and the PSU were only partially for illegality, since they gave themselves over to the electoral comedy. The only ones who were truly on the plain of complete illegality — since they even refused the rights the system conferred on them — were the Maoists. To be sure, they sometimes attempted actions grounded in legal justice. But they had to act from without: for example, the popular tribunal at Lens. And in this case, like in all the others where I was with you, the authority of intellectuals was exercised against the class that recognized this in them, against the bourgeoisie. The workers didn’t recognize any authority in me. By connecting ourselves to them we acted at one and the same time inside and outside the system. I have been convinced of the following fact for several years: those who want to do something within the system only end up by preserving it. He who wants to overturn the system by his vote is profoundly in error, since voting opposes the legality of a movement to its legitimacy, e.g., an insurrectional movement. All those who obtain power legally are exactly the same. Look at the UDR and the PC-PS. To vote is to resign your sovereignty to a group who exercises yours for you. Because of this I grew closer to the Maoist group. The trouble was that around ’70-'71 they took a legalist turn, i.e., they constituted Truth and Justice Committees that contest legality from within in the name of legality, and not from without, in the name of legitimacy. The Truth and Justice Committees call for the application of the law and we don’t tell them that there’s another point of view: absolute illegality, or the contestation of the system through the legitimacy of direct democracy. At the same there should be a new increase in action on the part of Red Aid, an organization that doesn’t carry out strikes or occupations of lodgings, but when they do occur assists them illegally. In this way those who have really had enough can go to Red Aid, and those who believe justice can be obtained while remaining within the system can go to the Truth and Justice Committees. I understand your tendency to accept popular movements as they are and at their level of politicization. But I don’t see that your new way of attacking legality is incompatible with your actions of yesterday, that were carried out outside the system. If you abandon this latter you have joined the PSU and the Trotskyists.
Victor: The march on Paris by the miners of Bruay was forbidden.
Sartre: Yes, but that doesn’t take you very far. You have to reorganize this sector of legitimate illegality, which is where you are really strong. And you should preserve, and not systematically destroy, Red Aid, which alone can serve this purpose. You reproach it for being terrorist, which really means that in the same neighborhood it does door-to-door work — which is an almost legalist form of agitation — and also violent, thus illegal, action, which frightens the people they were able to convince during their door-to-door.
Gavi: I am in agreement, in part. If it doesn’t want to be cut off from the people every movement is obliged, at one time or another, to sink its roots in a fertilizer of ambiguous alienating ideas of a dual nature. To have this sacred need for justice is at one and the same time the refusal of a double standard and the desire to repress. It can be normal to take as a starting point needs that have been covered over, fabricated and then turned to other uses by the bourgeoisie. And then from within institutions that are still accepted clearly show that there are contradictions, and then heighten these contradictions in order to arrive at their explosion, to arrive at the point where the masses create their own legitimacy and confront the law. Only I think that from the moment when an organized movement thus makes use of institutions (which doesn’t exclude illegal actions like the march on Béthune) its militants must be fully conscious of the fact that they can no longer say certain things. For example, when Judge Pascal expresses a just attitude towards the miners you can’t at the same time attack Judge Pascal because he is a juge d'instruction, because he’s a fairly repressive judge, etc. But why don’t you recognize that there is complementarity between the work you can do — which is to heighten the contradictions within institutions while all the while continuing to carry out illegal actions — and, on the other hand, a whole current of revolt that is manifesting itself among many young people. This current isn’t organized and thus isn’t subject to the silences of mass organizations: it can say everything. It can be excessive — but excess, too, is part of popular tradition. I'm saying that you, Victor, you can’t measure the effectiveness of this current that expresses itself in a violent and even provocative way. You can’t say that at one moment Bobigny is positive, while such and such a meeting at the Mutualité two years earlier wasn’t. We can’t measure the dialectical relationship that can exist between a mass action and an act of provocation that unfold simultaneously. Certain struggles directly attack alienating ideas, and these struggles often take on an even more provocative aspect due to the fact that those who carry them out are rebels and in the minority. But on the other hand if we want to be immediately heard we have to do what you used to do. All of this can be reconciled. I fear that you will consider what you call ultra-leftism a provocative current, with which you will continue to maintain relations but with which you aren’t in agreement. In the end this is what the Ligue began to do a year or two ago. It marked itself off from the ultra-left movement. And now the Maoists are going to mark themselves off as well? Let’s take Bruay-en-Artois: I think the constituting of a Truth and Justice Committee is a great victory, that you were right to demand that the populace control justice. One thing struck me in Bruay: the only young people who were mobilized were those of mine 4, whose parents were in the Truth and Justice Committee as well as those who were directly involved in the affair. But in general the affair was taken in hand by 1- the women, 2- by people of a certain age. I know that many young people are leaving Bruay, the mines are closing, etc. But the high school, for example, wasn’t mobilized and I wonder if one of the reasons wasn’t the language you used. It was the language of those who made ‘36, those who made ‘36-'39, who continue to defend a traditional morality. Wasn’t there a contradiction between these age groups, these ways of thinking and young people who are more likely to read Charlie-Hebdo.
Victor: Problem number 1 since ’68 is expanding the field of opposition between legitimacy and legality. We don’t want marginal groups to be the only ones fighting.
Gavi: Absolutely.
Victor: Expanding the field of opposition doesn’t only mean carrying out at such and such a moment illegalist actions that are legitimate, and at others legal actions that provoke a certain number of contradictions within institutions. I used the expression “institutional subversive actions.” When Sartre takes the editorship of La Cause du peuple there is in that action a legal element and an element that breaks with legality. It is this unstable combination that gives the action all its force.
Sartre: It is certain that when we founded the Society of Friends of La Cause du Peuple, and we asked the Prefecture for the receipt which, according to the law, it was supposed to give us immediately, and they refused us, we put legality...
Victor: In an unstable position...
Sartre: Except right after that the Friends of the Cause du Peuple set out to carry out illegal actions, for example selling CDP on the street. So there were two types of action at almost the same time.
Victor: This is a perfect example of an institutional subversive action. There is not on one side purely illegalist action and on the other purely legal action. An action bearing an element of legality must at the same time bear a critical charge for the established system, an trace of subversion. The combination becomes unstable. The masses having set themselves in motion, it is power itself that assigns itself the task of upsetting the relationship legality-illegality, of “toughening” the movement. Let’s take an example, the example of a failure.
Sartre: Provisional...
Victor: In the mining basin we carried out a campaign so that Moroccan miners could obtain a work card, i.e., the application of the law. It’s the “right to work” that we called for. What could be more in conformity with capitalist law? Nevertheless, it’s a very subversive movement. It puts in question the policy of liquidation of the coalmines. In fact, even while closing the pits these latter need a workforce that can work at their will and that can be easily rejected. This is why Moroccans are forbidden that weak protection that is the work card. It’s very important to define the notion of an institutional subversive action. It completely destroys a strategy flowing from a faulty reading of Lenin that presents itself as follows: I am combining legal and illegal action. I combine “illegal action,” which means I am preparing myself for an armed insurrection. I thus combine an action that doesn’t exist today with other actions that are as legal as can be. I've got a perfect observation point and I accept the rules of the game while waiting for it to go off track.
For us what is at the center of tactical thought is this dialectic of action that has its departure point in the conflict between profoundly legitimate, repressed ideas, and ideas that are legal on the surface. It’s a question of transforming this ambiguity into a critical charge. Once a certain level is reached it is power itself that, in committing its stupidities, transforms the relationship between the spirit of submission and the sprit of rebellion, to the benefit of rebellion.

Gavi: No, that’s not an answer. “Yes” to subversive action within institutions, but not without subversive action against the institutions at the same time. Ultra-leftism was, whether we know it or not, consciously or not, a state of permanent insurrection against rotten old ideas, social norms. Including those two years when the Maoist movement played at Robin Hood. All of this provoked many breaks, or at least cracks. The world wasn’t overturned, it was upset. Because you failed to understand this you made of J'Accuse a newspaper for old folks.
Victor: But going beyond ultra-leftism doesn’t mean opposing the revolt of young people. It’s rejecting a system of political norms that is cut off from popular thought.
Gavi: There is no such thing as popular thought as a proletarian oasis. Workers don’t think like bourgeois. And this is necessarily so: they live differently. Which doesn’t mean that they don’t take up the values produced by the bourgeoisie. An apple isn’t a pear, but both are products of the same field.
Victor: I'm trying to define for you what we mean by “We are not ultra-leftists.” There is a group of people, young for the most part, who have learned since May ’68 that Justice is a class justice. They have sometimes even learned more: that the state in its entirety must be destroyed from top to bottom so that it be replaced by something different that implies direct participation on the part of citizens. In a best-case scenario this is what this group of people learned in May. But this group is trying to impose what it learned to the entire population. Look at what Lutte Ouvrière says about Bruay: that what had to be demonstrated in that affair is that it was a case of class justice, that Judge Pascal shouldn’t have been supported...
Gavi: You're showing bad faith. Lutte Ouvrière is even more anti-ultra-leftist than the Maoists.
Victor: We don’t agree on the meaning of the words.
Sartre: What do you call an “ultra-leftist,” and what do you call “ultra-leftists?”
Victor: The ultra-leftist will say to the majority of the populace: this affair — for example, a militant arrested for carrying out an action in support of a strike — demonstrates that justice is class justice. The functioning of our thought is ultra-leftist. Why? Because our point of departure is a thing assimilated by a very small part of the population and, without finding the entry point to the majority of the population, we just throw it away.
Gavi: That’s what you did at Bruay? You tried to show that there was class justice?
Victor: We supported Judge Pascal.
Gavi: By letting it be believed that there could be honest judges.
Victor: Doing this is already putting an end to an ultra-left notion that everything that comes from judicial institutions is impure. We must carry out actions on behalf of Justice that are far distant from all that touches upon judicial institutions. The fact of saying: there is a small parcel of justice in the attitude of Judge Pascal, we don’t want this parcel of justice to be eliminated by higher judicial authorities, so we support it: this is an anti-ultra-left practice.
Sartre: By what right can you declare Judge Pascal a little more just than another, if it’s not from the point of view of an idea of Justice, which is to say — for the working class — revolutionary justice?
Victor: We are in agreement, but the ultra-left way is to say from the beginning: Justice equals Revolution. Going beyond ultra-leftism means taking as a starting point the feeling for justice of the population, with all it carries of ambiguous and alienated, and provoking a logic of action that educates the mass movement in such a way that that it is the subversive elements — who have broken with the established system — who dominate the alienated elements when it comes to Justice. The notion of control in all fields: public control of Justice, the police, the slogan of ’71” “let’s oversee the police,” these notions are ambiguous. The ultra-leftist would say: You want to control Justice, thus in a certain way you have confidence in it. No! Down with Justice! When we say: let’s control the organization of work they can answer us: That means you accept the organization of work, you want to improve it...But an attempt at provoking a large gathering implies the use of slogans bearing a critical charge that carries in its train reformist ideology.
Sartre: Except it’s also that that led the PCF to the reformist position it today occupies.